图书简介
中亚国家独立后,美国在中亚的战略虽然几经调整,但是美国在对中亚的战略设计上却保持了一定的思维惯性,即控制欧亚大陆腹地的地缘战略思想,使中亚成为遏制俄罗斯、中国、伊朗等中亚周边大国的战略支点,并运用军事、经济、政治三种手段推进对中亚国家的控制。而作为美国霸权扩张利器的军事手段在美国对中亚的渗透中发挥着关键性的作用。自中亚国家独立以来,美国中亚军事战略的演变经历了四个阶段:(1)1992—1995年美国对中亚采取了“核不扩散战略”,以推进中亚的无核化;(2)1996—2005年美国对中亚实施了“军事支点战略”,以确立在中亚的军事存在;(3)2006—2008年美国对俄罗斯拒止其进入中亚战区采取了“反拒入战略”,以争夺在中亚的主导地位;(4)2009—2015年受阿富汗问题影响,美国努力构建对中亚的新军事战略。在俄罗斯看来,美国在中亚的军事扩张对俄罗斯国家安全构成了现实挑战。“9·11”事件后以及2012年普京复任总统后,俄罗斯面对美国中亚军事战略的步步进逼,在中亚采取“反美国军事渗透”政策,以掌控中亚地区的军事主导权,捍卫俄罗斯在中亚的战略利益。中亚国家则从“战略平衡”的理念出发,对美国中亚军事战略总体采取了防范与合作的两面态度,以求最大程度地维护自身的国家利益。在20世纪90年代,中亚国家与美国的军事合作进展顺利。“9·11”事件后,中亚国家基于多方面考虑加快了与美国的军事合作步伐。2005年中亚地区“颜色革命”后,中亚国家又普遍对美国中亚军事战略加强了防范。奥巴马政府执政后,中亚国家在保护好自己,防范美国中亚军事战略的背景下,稳妥开展与美国的军事合作。对中国来讲,为防范美国中亚军事战略的发展,确保中亚这一中国战略大后方邻接地区的军事安全,维护中国西部边疆的稳定与长治久安,确保“丝绸之路经济带”建设的顺利实施,在近期的未来,我们需要下好三盘棋:一是在多边层面,我们应积极利用上海合作组织扩大在中亚的军事政治影响力,根据欧亚地区安全形势的变化,在提升上海合作组织政治、经济合作功能的同时,努力深化上海合作组织的安全功能;二是在双边层面,我们要进一步深化与中亚国家的双边军事合作,继续向中亚国家提供武器装备、军事人员交流和培训,与中亚国家举行联合军事演习,逐步扩大在中亚的军事影响力;三是在自身层面,我们应不断提高自身的军事实力,尤其是我们在西部地区设防的军事力量的信息化水平、军事装备水平、多军种联合作战水平、战略支援水平,以确保打赢中亚地区未来可能出现的局部战争,处置好“三股势力”的破坏活动。
Since Central Asian countries became independent,the US Central A-sia policy has undergone several adjustments and changes,yet the strategic thinking of US foreign policymakers in designing US policy toward Central Asia remains unchanged.Such geo-strategic thinking still dominates their minds,as to control the heartland of Eurasia,to take Central Asia as the strategic pivot to contain Russia,China and Iran,and to strengthen control over the Central Asian countries by military,economic and political means.In the process of US's infiltration to Central Asia,the military means continues to be considered as one of the most ef fective tools.US military strategy toward Central Asia has undergone four stages:the first stage is from 1992 to 1995,the“strategy of the nonproliferation”had been adopted by US in order to advance denuclearization in Central Asia;the second stage is from 1996 to 2005,the“military pivot strategy”had been undertaken by US in order to establish military presence in Central Asia;and the third stage is from 2006 to 2008,the“anti-anti-access strategy”had been adopted by US in response to Russia's opposition to its infiltration to Central Asia and to competing for dominance in Central A-sia;the fourth stage is from 2009 to 2015,under the effect of Afghanistan US endeavor to building up“new military strategy”toward Central Asia.For Russia,the US military expansion to Central Asia poses a real threat to its national security.After 911 and Putin served as Russian President for second time in 2012,facing approaching of the US military strategy,Russia adopted the“anti-access policy”to confront the US military infiltration to Central Asia,which was expected to help Russia gain military preponderance and to defend Russian strategic interest in the region.With“balance diplomacy”as the guideline,Central Asian countries took a vigilant and cooperative attitude to US toward,military strategy so as to protect their own national interests in the greatest extent.The 1990s witnessed smooth military cooperation between US and Central Asia countries,which was even accelerated after 911.However,after the“Color Revolution”of central Asian region in 2005,Central Asian countries started to guard vigilantly over the US military strategy the region.After Obama administrating,under the background of protecting themselves and preventing US military strategy toward Central Asia,Central Asian countries steadily carried out military cooperation with US.As for China,three tasks call for attention in order to address the US military strategy toward Central Asia,to maintain military security of the region which is neighboring area of China Strategic rear,to maintain the stability and long-term stability of China's western frontier,to ensure the smooth implementation of the“Silk Road Economic Belt”construction. First,at the multilateral level,China should take Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)as a platform to strengthen its military and political influence in Central Asia.At the same time,improving the political and economic functions of SCO,the functions of SCO on security should be redefined and stressed.Second,at the bilateral level,China should enhance its bilateral military cooperation with the Central Asian countries to expand its military influence in Central Asia by continuing the supply of military equipment,conducting military personnel exchanges and trainings,and holding joint military maneuvers.Third,at the national level,China should build up its military strength and especially improve such capacity of western region military forces as the level of information,military equipment,multi-level arm joint combating,Strategic support,to ensure winning the possible local war of Central Asia in the future and dealing with the sabotage of“three evil forces”.
作者简介
图书目录
相关推荐
-
图书 “梅普组合”的外交战略
作者:柳丰华
图书 “梅普组合”的外交战略
-
2
图书 从对抗到对话:赫鲁晓夫执政时期的苏美关系
作者:郑羽
图书 从对抗到对话:赫鲁晓夫执政时期的苏美关系
-
3
图书 美国对外援助:目标、方法与决策
作者:李枏 沈鹏 周琪
图书 美国对外援助:目标、方法与决策
-
4
图书 21世纪亚洲经济的展望与挑战
作者:[韩]林阳泽
图书 21世纪亚洲经济的展望与挑战
-
5
图书 国际热点问题报告(2013—2014)
作者:张蕴岭
图书 国际热点问题报告(2013—2014)
-
6
图书 全球战略观察报告:国外智库看TPP.Ⅱ
作者:王灵桂
图书 全球战略观察报告:国外智库看TPP.Ⅱ
-
7
图书 天然气管道外交与地缘政治博弈
作者:李冉
图书 天然气管道外交与地缘政治博弈
-
8
图书 空间政治学:政治文明新高地的复合建构之道
作者:徐能武
图书 空间政治学:政治文明新高地的复合建构之道
-
9
图书 俄苏中国学手册(上)
作者:中国社会科学院文献情报中心
图书 俄苏中国学手册(上)
-
10
图书 1918—1921罗马尼亚的政治生活
作者:(罗)米·穆沙特 扬·阿尔德列亚努
图书 1918—1921罗马尼亚的政治生活
豆瓣评论