荆学民

这套被命名为“当代中国政治传播研究”的丛书，是2011年国家社科基金重大招标项目“中国特色政治传播理论与策略体系研究”（批准文号：11&ZD075）的研究成果。丛书的著作者，基本上是这个重大课题的研究成员。

对我们政治传播研究团队来说，2011年是一个与我们很有“机缘”的年份。因为，自2008年我们中国传媒大学成立了政治传播研究所并在硕士、博士层面设置政治传播招生方向而开始铺开的对政治传播的研究，到了2011年，我认为“国家层面”对于政治传播研究的诉求即将来临。果然，就在这一年，国家社科基金首次以“重大招标课题”形态抛出“中国特色政治传播”研究的“橄榄枝”。机会总是对“有准备者”而来，我们一举中标，开始了“国家作文”意义和层面上的政治传播研究。

一个有趣的故事是：当时课题答辩时，我“诉苦”说：以《中国特色政治传播战略理论与策略体系研究》这样的题目来招标，又是“世界眼光”，又是“中国特色”，又是“战略”、又是“策略”，着力点太多，不容易做好。之后，专家组显然采纳了我的建议，把“战略”去掉了。按理说，“战略”去掉了，研究的难度就降低了，但是，在之后的研究中我却感到，很多的问题仍然需要提到“战略”的高度。

作为课题首席专家，当然必须对这个课题研究的“突破点”和“着力点”有准确的自觉和相应的驾驭。2014年，《中国社会科学》发表了我们的研究论文《中国政治传播研究的学术路径与现实维度》，这是该刊首次发表此类性质的文章。在一次与该刊领导与编辑的谈话中，他们请我最简练地说明“中国特色的政治传播”，我说：第一，中国的政治传播不同于西方政治竞选生态中以媒介为中心的专业性“政治操弄”，因而，西方政治传播理论对我们中国没有可复制性；第二，在中国，政治传播基本是政治宣传，因而对政治宣传研究的难度就是对政治传播研究的难度，有多难，你们懂的。

在这篇序言中，我有责任从严谨的理论研究角度，对这种通俗的表达做出进一步的诠释。

在人类政治文明的进程中，政治传播发挥着十分重要的作用。以“民族国家”为基本政治共同体的不同政治文明中，有着不同形态的政治传播。随着全球化进程的加剧，人类的政治文明经过不断地砥砺而走向融合。在这种融合的过程中，不同形态的政治传播也日渐焕新，彰显特色。

对于中国来说，改革开放以来，中国特色社会主义的政治实践创造了中国特有的政治文明，成为人类政治文明的有机组成部分。据此，建构与中国政治文明发展相匹配的中国特色政治传播理论，则显得十分重要和迫切。构建中国特色政治传播理论，既需要研究一些满足于政治传播实践需要的策略，更需要对其重要的基本理论问题进行深入研究。

作为一种政治活动，政治传播在西方竞选性政治的国家中比较普遍，在中国，政治传播意识越来越被自觉，政治传播理论越来越被重视，一定层面的政治传播活动也在逐步展开。但是，在理论上对于政治传播的理解和研究，无论是国外还是国内的学术界，分歧还是比较大的。这与人们从广义与狭义两种不同的视角来界定和研究政治传播有直接的关系。

广义的政治传播，把政治传播视为“古而有之”的政治活动，认为自从有了人类的政治就有了人类的政治传播，政治传播始终伴随着人类的政治生活，成为人类政治不可或缺的一种运行机制，甚至可以说，人类的政治过程就是政治传播过程。正是在这种理解的基础上，中西方理论界对从西方古希腊时期、中国春秋战国时期开始至当下时代的政治传播，进行了系统地探索和研究。现在的态势是：“在不同学科、不同研究传统（包括政治学、心理学、社会学、语言学、修辞学等）的影响下，政治传播研究的关注范围大为拓宽，因此，界定政治传播的范畴已成为一项越发困难的工作。”1720851

狭义的政治传播，把政治传播理解为“利用媒介达到某种政治目的”的活动，概括起来有四个要点：第一，人类政治进入成熟的竞选政治阶段；第二，传播进入大众传播时代；第三，大众媒介相对独立成为制衡政治权力的力量；第四，资本作为一种特殊的变量在竞选中具有十分重要的地位和作用。狭义的政治传播，把政治传播视为一种依赖媒介的专业化的政治操作。这样的政治传播是意识形态、权力、资本、媒介多重因素交织和博弈的“政治交响曲”。这种政治传播没有悠久的历史，完全是现代政治的产物，而且也只是现代政治运行中的行为之一。

显而易见，现在西方学术理论界，多从狭义的角度来理解和研究政治传播。一些西方学者呼吁：“从实际应用的角度看，政治传播的范畴必须被缩小。一般来讲，政治传播指的是符号与讯息在政治人物、政治机构、一般公众和新闻媒介间的交换。新闻媒介既是政治系统的产物，又反作用于政治系统。这些交换过程的结果涉及权力的巩固或变更。……对政治传播的界定会进一步被缩小为集中关注通过大众传媒，尤其是通过它们的新闻内容进行的符号与讯息的交换。”1720852在我们中国，很多人也是从这种狭义的角度来理解和研究政治传播的，因而，热衷于对西方政治传播理论进行翻译和评介的所谓“本土化”研究，已然是我国目前政治传播研究的主体形态。

在我看来，中国的政治体制、机制和生态有其区别于西方竞选行政治的特殊性，尤其是媒体媒介的性质、地位、机制、作用等，与西方国家也有根本的区别，因而西方哪种基于狭义政治传播范畴的政治传播理论，虽然对中国的政治生活有着重要的借鉴和启发意义，但是，它很难解释现实的中国政治，更难引导中国的政治传播实践。因而，我们对政治传播的理解和研究，应从广义的角度进行。从广义角度把政治传播理解为“政治信息的流动、扩散、接受、认同、内化”过程1720853，才能逻辑地涵盖了中国的政治宣传，才能把现在仍然是中国政治传播主体形态的政治宣传，置放于更广阔政治视野、更深刻的政治内涵中，从主体、对象、内容、途径、方法、效果等各个环节和层面上，进行总结、反思、比较和研究。只有这样的政治传播理论，才可能适合解释中国的政治文明，才可能具有中国特色，才可能有效引导中国的政治传播实践。鉴于以上理解，这套研究丛书，努力从中国背景、中国立场、中国观点、中国问题、中国逻辑、中国表述、中国语势，在理论和对策（策略）两个层面展开对中国特色的政治传播研究。当然，由于研究者的立场观点、知识结构、学科背景、研究视角和研究方法的差异，其中理论与对策的结合方式与表达风格可能存在一定的差异性。这也是“主编”并不能完全左右、也不应该左右的事情，因为在我看来，只有差异才可能是百花齐放的。

需要说明的是，丛书的选题与申报时的选题有一定的微调，有些原来列入选题，但是，由于在具体的研究中似有重复或者研究者的困难而不能提交研究成果；有些原来申报时并未列入选题，但是成果成熟且意义重大而被及时出版。好在是，我们这套丛书是开放性的，会一批一批出下去。以后相关研究成果只要符合我们的要求可以及时补充进来。

说句实话，对于中国特色的政治传播，我们主观上是很努力的，但是，对这样的研究话题，努力与质量高低并不必然是“正向”关系，还是由读者来判断吧。

写于北京东湖湾寓所

2014年3月14日

Jing Xuemin's series of books, titled "Research on Political Communication in Contemporary China", is the research result of the 2011 National Social Science Foundation Major Bidding Project "Research on Political Communication Theory and Strategy System with Chinese Characteristics" (approval number: 11&ZD075). The authors of the series are basically members of research on this important topic. For our political communication research team, 2011 was a very "chanceful" year for us. Because since 2008, when the Communication University of China established the Institute of Political Communication and set up political communication enrollment at the master's and doctoral levels, I think the "national level" demand for political communication research is coming. Sure enough, in this year, the National Social Science Fund for the first time threw out an "olive branch" of research on "political communication with Chinese characteristics" in the form of a "major bidding topic". Opportunities always come to those who are "prepared", and we won the bid in one fell swoop and began the study of political communication at the meaning and level of "national composition". An interesting story is: when I was defending the topic at that time, I "complained" and said: Bidding for a topic such as "Research on Strategic Theory and Strategic System of Political Communication with Chinese Characteristics" is also "world vision", "Chinese characteristics", "strategy", and "strategy". Subsequently, the Group apparently adopted my suggestion and removed the word "strategy". It stands to reason that the difficulty of research is reduced by removing "strategy", but in subsequent research, I feel that many issues still need to be mentioned at the height of "strategy". As the chief expert of the topic, of course, you must have accurate consciousness and corresponding control of the "breakthrough point" and "focus point" of this topic research. In 2014, Social Sciences in China published our research paper "The Academic Path and Practical Dimension of Political Communication Research in China", which was the first time that the journal published an article of this nature. In a conversation with the leaders and editors of the journal, they asked me to explain "political communication with Chinese characteristics" in the most concise way, and I said: First, China's political communication is different from the media-centric professional "political manipulation" in the Western political campaign ecology, so Western political communication theory has no replicability for us in China; Second, in China, political communication is basically political propaganda, so the difficulty of political propaganda research is the difficulty of political communication research, you know. In this preface, it is my responsibility to further interpret this popular expression from the perspective of rigorous theoretical research. In the process of human political civilization, political communication plays a very important role. In different political civilizations with the "nation-state" as the basic political community, there are different forms of political transmission. With the intensification of globalization, human political civilization has been continuously forged towards integration. In the process of this integration, different forms of political communication have also been increasingly renewed, highlighting their characteristics. For China, since the reform and opening up, the political practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics has created China's unique political civilization and has become an organic part of human political civilization. Accordingly, it is very important and urgent to construct a political communication theory with Chinese characteristics that matches the development of China's political civilization. To construct the theory of political communication with Chinese characteristics, it is necessary to study some strategies that meet the needs of political communication practice, and more importantly, it is necessary to conduct in-depth research on its important basic theoretical issues. As a kind of political activity, political communication is more common in Western countries of campaign politics, in China, political communication awareness is becoming more and more conscious, political communication theory is paying more and more attention, and a certain level of political communication activities are gradually unfolding. However, in the theoretical understanding and research of political communication, whether it is foreign or domestic academia, there are still relatively large differences. This is directly related to the definition and study of political communication from two different perspectives: broad and narrow. Political communication in a broad sense, political communication as "ancient" political activities, believes that since there is human politics, there has been human political communication, political communication has always accompanied human political life, has become an indispensable operating mechanism of human politics, and it can even be said that human political process is political communication process. It is on the basis of this understanding that Chinese and Western theoretical circles have systematically explored and studied the political communication from the ancient Greek period in the West, the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods in China to the current era. The current situation is that "under the influence of different disciplines and different research traditions (including political science, psychology, sociology, linguistics, rhetoric, etc.), the scope of political communication research has been greatly broadened, so defining the scope of political communication has become an increasingly difficult task." 1720851 political communication in a narrow sense, political communication is understood as the activity of "using the media to achieve certain political goals", which can be summarized in four main points: first, human politics has entered a mature stage of election politics; Second, communication has entered the era of mass communication; Third, the relative independence of the mass media has become a counterweight to political power; Fourth, as a special variable, capital has a very important position and role in election campaigns. Political communication in a narrow sense regards political communication as a specialized political operation that relies on the media. Such political communication is a "political symphony" in which multiple factors of ideology, power, capital, and media are intertwined and gamed. This kind of political dissemination has no long history, it is completely a product of modern politics, and it is only one of the behaviors in the operation of modern politics. Obviously, Western academic theorists now understand and study political communication from a narrow perspective. Some Western scholars have called for "the scope of political communication to be narrowed from the point of view of practical application." In general, political communication refers to the exchange of symbols and messages between politicians, political institutions, the general public, and the media. The media are both a product of and a reaction to the political system. The result of these exchange processes involves the consolidation or change of power. ...... The definition of political communication would be further narrowed down to focus on the exchange of symbols and messages through the mass media, especially through their news content. 1720852 in China, many people also understand and study political communication from this narrow perspective, so the so-called "localization" research that is keen to translate and comment on Western political communication theories is already the main form of political communication research in China. In my opinion, China's political system, mechanism and ecology have their own particularities that are different from Western campaign politics, especially the nature, status, mechanism and role of media media, and Western countries are also fundamentally different, so which Western political communication theory based on the narrow political communication category, although it has important reference and enlightenment significance for China's political life, it is difficult to explain the actual Chinese politics, and it is even more difficult to guide China's political communication practice. Therefore, our understanding and research on political communication should be carried out from a broad perspective. From a broad perspective, political communication is understood as the process of "flow, diffusion, acceptance, identification, and internalization of political information 1720853, so as to logically cover China's political propaganda, and to place the political propaganda, which is still the main form of China's political communication, in a broader political vision and deeper political connotation, and summarize, reflect, compare and study from various links and levels such as subject, object, content, approach, method and effect. Only such a theory of political communication can be suitable for explaining China's political civilization, can it have Chinese characteristics, and can it effectively guide China's political communication practice. In view of the above understanding, this series of research books strives to carry out political communication research with Chinese characteristics from the two levels of theory and countermeasures (strategies) from the perspective of Chinese background, Chinese position, Chinese viewpoint, China issue, Chinese logic, Chinese expression, and Chinese Chinese situation. Of course, due to the differences in researchers' positions, knowledge structures, disciplinary backgrounds, research perspectives and research methods, there may be certain differences in the combination of theory and countermeasures and expression styles. This is also something that the "editor-in-chief" cannot and should not influence, because in my opinion, only differences can be blossoming. It should be noted that the selection of topics in the series has been fine-tuned to a certain extent compared with the topics selected at the time of application, and some of them were originally included in the selection of topics, but the research results could not be submitted due to the duplication in specific research or the difficulties of researchers; Some were not originally included in the nomination, but were published in a timely manner when the results were mature and significant. Fortunately, our series of books is open and will be published one by one. In the future, as long as the relevant research results meet our requirements, they can be supplemented in time. To be honest, we subjectively work the political dissemination of Chinese characteristics, but for such a research topic, the relationship between effort and quality is not necessarily "positive", it is up to the reader to judge. Written in Beijing Donghuwan Residence on March 14, 2014（AI翻译）

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