佛教的创始人是悉达多()，族姓为乔达摩(Gautama)，中国古译为瞿昙，相传为净饭王太子，生于迦毗罗卫(Kapilavastu)，该地现在尼泊尔王国境内。他一生传教活动在印度北部、中部恒河流域一带。释迦牟尼(S'akyamuni)是佛教徒对他的尊称。关于他的生卒年，根据文献史料的推断，约生于公元前565年，死于公元前490—前480年之间，略早于中国孔子(孔子的生卒年为公元前551—前479年)参看汤用彤《印度哲学史略》，中华书局1960年版，第59页。。佛教在印度开始传播时期，正是印度奴隶社会比较发达的时期。印度封建化的过程历时较长，大约从公元前一世纪到公元后六世纪，印度的封建经济才逐渐巩固下来。进入封建社会后，印度奴隶制残余曾延续了很长时期。早期佛教是为当时的印度奴隶主阶级服务的，后期的佛教大乘则为封建地主阶级服务。佛教开始传播于尼泊尔、印度、巴基斯坦一带，以后南到斯里兰卡、印度支那半岛，北到中亚细亚，随着中国与中亚各国经济、文化的交流，佛教于两汉之际传入中国，在中国的社会历史条件下，开始生根、发展，成为中国封建社会上层建筑的组成部分。佛教在中国的传播和发展，经历了近两千年的漫长的岁月，它在中国封建社会各阶层中曾起过广泛影响。自从它传入中国那一天起，一直是适应当时封建地主阶级的需要来宣传解释其宗教学说的。不少中外学者认为中国的佛教背离了印度佛教原旨，使印度佛教走了样。这种看法不是没有一定的道理，但这种看法是不太妥当的。思想意识是一定社会的产物，各种社会有它的成长和衰落的过程。印度佛教也有它生长和衰落的过程，总在不停顿地发展、变化着。印度的佛教，不但在一两千年间有很大的变化，即使拿佛陀一生的宗教活动来说，据后人的研究，他早期传教和后期传教，其侧重点也不同。究竟什么是佛教的原样?佛陀死后约百年左右时间，佛教徒中间对教义教规的理解已发生了严重的分歧，形成上座部、大众部两大部派;随后，这两部派又不断发生分化，形成了十八部(或二十部)。接着又出现了佛教大乘教派。大乘教派中先有龙树、提婆倡导的中观学派，后来又有无著、世亲倡导的唯识学派。大乘自称得到佛陀的“了义”，而小乘许多学派并不服输，与大乘并存，各立门户，都继续流传。由此可见，在印度事实上并不存在一个标准的佛教样板。如果要把印度佛教的各种教派分化、兴衰变迁的道理讲清楚，就不能只在佛教内部去寻找佛教变迁的原因，而应当从印度的社会历史中去寻找佛教兴衰变迁的原因。这属于另外的题目，不属于中国佛教史的范围。我们的任务是考察中国佛教的历史，揭示出它的发展变化的规律，从而有助于加深认识东汉以后中国的古代封建文化，更好地认识中国的哲学史、文学史以及整个历史。社会实践表明，一切事物都在发展变化，古人所信奉的“天不变，道亦不变”的观点只能表达取得政权的地主阶级的主观愿望。哲学和宗教看起来高入云霄，好像不食人间烟火，实际上它们仍然是一定的社会的经济生活和政治生活的反映，只是有时是直接的反映，有时是间接的反映，有时是曲折的反映罢了。社会经济生活和政治生活总在不断地发展变化，从而反映经济生活和政治生活的哲学、宗教也相应地改变。我们应当通过考察佛教在中国这块土地上初传、滋长、兴盛、衰微的全部过程，从中找出规律性的东西。封建社会与近代社会不同，敬天法古，几乎是一切封建社会的共同信条。哲学有许多学派，宗教有许多教派，往往打出不同标志的旗帜以广招徕。但旗帜并不真正代表它的实质。以人们所熟悉的中国儒家为例。从春秋时期儒家创立，经过汉代的儒，宋明的儒，一直到清末“五四”以前的“孔家店”，大家习惯于把孔子所创立的儒家看作一个一成不变，影响中国文化历史达两千年之久的学派。其实汉代所信奉的儒学已经不是孔、孟、荀为代表的儒学。汉代的儒把燕、齐方士推演阴阳五行、占星变、言灾异、信祥、迎神送鬼、求雨止雨那一套都算作儒家的内容。这是儒、道(道术、道士)合流的儒。宋代程朱理学自命为得到尧舜禹相传的十六字真传“人心惟危，道心惟微，惟精惟一，允执厥中。”(《尚书·大禹谟》)，自称为洙泗正宗。其实宋儒是以孔子为招牌，大量吸收了佛教和道教宗教世界观和宗教修养方法。如提倡涵养静坐，以观喜怒哀乐未发气象，致力于“天理人欲之辨”、要人们“存天理、去人欲”。“存天理、去人欲”不是一个哲学问题，而是一个神学问题，是教人如何消灭罪恶，拯救灵魂，进入天国(理想的精神境界)的问题。近代的康有为也曾抬出孔子的招牌，托古改制。中国历代儒家各派都自称自己的教派得到了教主的真传。中国佛教史的发展，也表明各个时代的佛教学派、学说与释迦的关系甚少，而与它所处的社会制度、阶级利益的关系甚深。“我们不把世俗问题化为神学问题，我们要把神学问题化为世俗问题”。《马克思恩格斯全集》第1卷，人民出版社1956年版，第425页。这是我们研究各种宗教史的态度，也是我们研究佛教史的方法。东汉时中国人知道西方有佛，一般是通过西方僧人的翻译介绍的。隋唐以后，由于译述介绍的佛教经典的增多，逐渐有了中国人自己的著述，其中包括对佛经的注解和阐明佛教的专著。今存的汉译佛教经典，绝大部分是在东汉到唐中期(前后历时约八百年)这一段时期翻译过来的。唐以后，也有些零星译述，约五百卷左右，其内容多为旧译佛经的补充，且多为零星小品，在社会上超的影响也不大。唐以后，还有大量的佛经译为西藏文字被保存下来，这也是我国佛典文献中一大财富。藏文佛经中，大部分是译自梵文，也有一小部分是由汉译转译成藏文的。可见，西藏地区自古与中原地区文化交流频繁。东汉及三国时期汉译佛经都是由来自天竺、大月氏、安息、康居等地以及我国西部地区的僧人介绍过来的。当时所根据是天竺文字还是西域文字，现在还不甚清楚，其中可能有不少是西域当地的语言。到南北朝时，中国人讲到佛教的翻译时还常说“译胡为秦”(秦指苻秦、姚秦)。现存的《四十二章经》，据说为摄摩腾译，从内容看可能是《阿含经》中的某些章节的节译或编译，但今天已难以确指它是《阿含经》中的哪些章节了。“译所不解，则阙不传，故有脱失，多不出者”《法句经序》，《出三藏记集》卷七。。译者不懂的就不译，其中阙失是不可避免的。何况，在佛教传入初期为传教需要只选译某佛经的一部分也是十分自然的。事实上，即使译者自以为懂得的，其译文也未必符合佛书的原意，因为当时的佛教信徒，都是用当时当地的中国流行的宗教观念和文化思想来认识佛教的。一种新的宗教思想信仰，传到一个陌生的民族中间，并要求取得当地的群众的信任，不是一件容易的事。传教者要善于迎合当地群众的思想和要求，并且采取一些办法以满足他们的要求。理论在一个民族中实现的程度，决定于理论满足于这个民族的需要的程度。东汉继承了西汉以来的宗教神学目的论的传统，谶纬迷信比西汉更盛行，经王莽、刘秀的利用和提倡，已遍及朝野。东汉社会上流行的宗教迷信有占星、望气、风角、卜筮等。《后汉书·方术列传》序说:自武帝颇好方术，天下怀协道艺之士，莫不负策抵掌，顺风而屈焉。后王莽矫用符命，及光武尤信谶言，士之赴趣时宜者，皆骋驰穿凿，争谈之也。在两汉当时迷信盛行的风气下，佛教也被中国人看成社会上迷信宗教的一种，这完全是可以理解的。袁宏《后汉纪》说:沙门者，汉言息心，盖息意去欲，而欲归于无为也。旧译“涅槃”为“无为”，汉人所理解的佛教，是黄老之术的佛教。汉代神仙方术，往往通过符咒、治病、占星、禳灾、祈福，预言祸福来吸引信徒群众。汉代佛教徒也往往迎合当时社会上神仙方术之士、道士们的传教手法，也兼用占验、预卜吉凶、看病等方术以接近群众。据佛教史籍记载，东来的有名的高僧，都会一些方术。如安世高，“博学多识，综贯神模，七正七正，即七政，日月五星运行有规律，可用运算推知其变化。盈缩，风气吉凶，山崩地动，针脉诸术，观色知病，鸟兽鸣啼，无音不照”《安般守意经序》，《出三藏记集》卷六。。《高僧传》也说安世高通晓“外国典籍及七曜五行，医方异术”。汉末三国时，康僧会“明解三藏，博览六经，天文图纬，多所综涉”《高僧传》卷一。。昙柯迦罗“善学四韦陀，风云星宿，图谶运变，莫不该综”《高僧传》卷一。。此外，后来的外国僧人求那跋陀罗，“天文书算，医方咒术，靡不该博”《高僧传》卷三。。求那毗地“明阴阳，占时验事，征兆非一”同上。。佛教传入中国所以能被接受，首先不一定是他们那一套“安般守意”的禅法及般若学，看来他们的方术更能吸引一部分群众。《后汉书·乌桓传》:“……使〔犬〕护死者神灵归赤山……如中国死者魂归岱山也。”《水经注·汶水注》引《开山图》曰:“太山在左，亢父在右，亢父主生，梁父主死。”因此，三国时汉译佛经，有把“地狱”译为“太山”的。可见汉代人对佛教的态度，不论在理论方面还是在传教僧人的行动方面，都是以对待中国神仙方术、道教的眼光去迎接这一外来宗教的。神仙方士、道士的迷信宣传，很适合中国封建贵族们希望长生不死，永远过着他们剥削享乐生活的贪愚妄想。佛教的教义本来和这种中国方术道士的一套很不接近，但事实上，中国人当时的确把佛教理解为方术的一种。甚至佛教徒和道教徒名称也很接近。道教徒称为道士，佛教徒称为“道人”，这个称谓直到东晋南北朝时还流行。“愍度道人始欲渡江，与一伧道人为侣”(《世说新语·假谲篇》)。当时僧人自称“贫道”。僧人支孝龙多游朱门，时人讥之，支孝龙答曰:“君见其为朱门，贫道如游蓬户。”佛教传入中国的初期，为了在中国站住脚，先要与中国本土的宗教迷信特别是道教相融合，中国人也用看待道教的眼光来看待佛教，所以当时的人称赞佛教的主张是:浮屠者，佛也，西域天竺有佛道焉。佛者，汉言觉，其数以修慈心为主，不杀生，专务清净。其精者号沙门。沙门者，汉言息心，盖息意去欲，而欲归于无为也。又以人死精神不灭，随复受形，生时所行善恶，皆有报应，所贵行善修道，以炼精神而不已，以至无为而得为佛也。佛身长一丈六尺，黄金色，项中佩日月光，变化无方，无所不入，故能通百物而大济群生。……有经数十万，以虚无为宗，包罗精粗，无所不统，善为宏阔胜大之言，所求在一体之内，而所明在视听之外，世俗之人以为虚诞，然归于玄微深远，难得而测。故王公大人，观死生报应之际，莫不瞿然自失。(袁宏《后汉纪》卷十)东汉社会上一般人所理解的佛教，有神通，项中佩日月光，变化无方，无所不入，这是中国所熟悉的“神人”、“至人”;“专务清净，息意去欲而欲归于无为”，这是中国的黄老之学和原始道教的口号。汉末、三国，社会上一般人心目中的佛教，不过如此。虽然佛教的教义在当时已有较系统的介绍，但还不能说在社会上已有广泛的影响。在中国哲学家及其思想文献中，如当时的嵇康、阮籍、王弼、何晏，以及西晋的其他重要思想家的文字及著作中，都尚未发现有受过佛教明显影响的迹象。相反，倒是从早期佛典译文中可以见到佛教迁就中原道教的迹象。这一时期的佛教虽说佛、道融合，实际上是佛教融于道教，佛教迎合了道教。南朝慧皎在评论三国魏地佛教时认为很不符合佛教的规矩:魏境虽有佛法，而道风讹替，亦有众僧未禀皈戒，正以剪落殊俗耳。设复斋忏，事法祠祀《昙柯迦罗传》，《高僧传》卷一。。用后来的僧众的清规戒律来衡量汉的僧人，当然认为不合佛教的标准，所以说“道风讹替”。其实佛教当时的面貌就是那个样子，和道教徒的修行方式相近，不能算“讹替”。当时“设复斋忏，事法祠祀”，倒是完全真实的，因为当时的中国人士理解的佛教确是祠祀的一种，是用来祈福的。中国佛教史的发展，主要是在中国封建社会的前期汉唐和封建社会的后期宋元明清历史时期进行的。因此，中国佛教历史与中国封建社会的经济发展、政治斗争的关系至为密切。中国封建社会历时甚久，佛教传入的时间，当在西汉末年、东汉初年，当时封建豪强地主当权，以后的察举制度为豪强地主相互援引，相互勾结，形成盘根错节的封建贵族世代拥有特权的权势集团。它是后来魏晋南北朝门阀士族地主阶级的前身，佛教传入时，所依靠的社会力量是汉代的皇室及贵族上层。东汉桓帝延熹九年(公元166年)襄楷上书说:又闻宫中立黄老浮屠之祠，此道清虚，贵尚无为，好生恶杀，省欲去奢。在宫廷帝王及贵族们的特权垄断之下，神仙长生，祠祀求福，也是一种奢侈的精神享受特权，一般老百姓办不到。三国时，佛教传播得更为广泛，一般广大群众只是被作为特权贵族施舍的对象才接触到它。如《三国志》卷四十九《吴志·刘繇传》记载:笮融，丹阳人……大起浮屠祠，以铜为人，黄金涂身……下为重楼阁道，可容三千余人，悉课读佛经，令界内及旁郡人有好佛道者听受道，复其他役，以招致之，由此远近前后至者五千余人户。每浴佛，多设酒饭，布席于路，经数十里，民人来观及就食且万人，费以巨亿计。像笮融这样的贪残的官吏，信佛是为了他个人祈福，下令他管辖下的老百姓，凡信佛诵经的，免其徭役，还多设酒饭，招引来观者及就食者。可见这一带地方已有不少信徒，佛教的影响逐渐扩大。自然也有些群众虽未必真心信佛，只是为了逃避繁重的徭役，才来为他诵经拜佛的。中国哲学史，以魏晋南北朝作为一个历史断代来划分，因为这一时期的封建社会有它的某些特点，和它以前以后的封建社会都不相同。佛教史接触涉及的问题和中国哲学史有许多共同或相关的地方，因而对佛教史的分期和我们编写的中国哲学史的分期力求一致。哲学史、佛教史所讲的内容分属两个领域，但它们都是从不同的角度反映同一个中国社会。其中也有许多共同相关的问题。我们撰写的佛教史与中国哲学史相互呼应，此略则彼详，此详则彼略，以期相互配合，避免重复。由于佛教资料丰富，而建国三十年来，还没有一部中国佛教的通史，我们这部佛教史力求取材广泛，叙述详尽。佛教经典有些特殊名词、概念，为一般古籍所罕见，佛经翻译的文体也别具一格，不易为一般读者所理解，我们力求用现代科学的语言，把它的本来的意义介绍给读者，并提出我们自己的看法，给以评论。中国佛教史以东汉到三国为第一卷。晋、南北朝的佛教内容丰富，印度各派佛教已基本介绍到中国来，并在中国已有所滋长发展，拟把这个时期分为上、下两卷。隋唐时期，是中国封建社会第二次大一统王朝的重建，国力强盛，文化繁荣，在当时对世界文化有过积极贡献。佛教在这样的社会历史条件下，由南北朝时期的滋长发展到盛大，形成了具有国际影响的许多宗派。对这一时期，我们也拟分为上、下两卷来论述。宋元明清，是中国封建社会的后期，由于社会政治条件的改变，中国的封建主义从思想意识的各方面都在加强，中央集权的统治也更趋强化。经过隋唐时期三教鼎立，走向宋明以后的三教会同，形成了以儒家为中心的儒教。佛、道两教形式上走向衰微，而实际上佛、道两教的宗教精神已渗透到儒教内部。儒教之成为宗教，多得力于佛、道两教为其支柱，而在两教中，佛教则起着主要的作用。从唐中期历宋元明清，我们还要论述西藏佛教，因为它也是中国佛教史的一部分，而且有它的特色和意义。宋元明清这一时期，也拟分上、下两卷来论述。清末民初，中国封建社会解体，中国沦为半殖民地半封建的社会。反映中国封建社会的意识形态也起了相应的变化。这一时期的佛教在社会上仍有相当影响，某些佛教宗派又有所抬头，但这时西方现代思潮涌进中国，佛教所服务的对象及其社会作用也与古代佛教有所不同，它是欧亚现代思潮汇合时期的佛教。我们拟把这个时期单独作为一卷，其时间断限于中华人民共和国成立以前。佛教全书总称三藏。三藏浩如烟海，按内容来说，大致可分为四类:第一类，关于佛教基本知识入门的书，如名词概念的解释，不论大乘小乘，只要是佛教徒都要具备的佛教常识，即古人所说的事数，如“五蕴”、“四谛”、“十二缘生”等，属于“佛教手册”之类的。第二类，关于佛教戒律，这是用来维持僧众集体生活规范的。第三类，关于佛的传记、故事的宣传，对佛教信徒来说，是用来坚定佛教徒的信念，树立榜样以资遵循，也是为了普及。第四类，关于佛教宗教理论方面的，其中包括宗教修养方法。前两类多属于佛教徒内部学习的经典，对社会影响不很大。第三类，既是对佛教徒内部的宣传材料，也是面向社会的。第四类影响所及，不限于佛教徒内部，它与当时的主要社会思潮相激荡、交融，息息相关，思想、文学、艺术、哲学，往往与佛经中的这一类著作发生多种联系。因此，本书的重点放在佛教的哲学思想的介绍与批判方面。佛教为了达到宗教宣传的目的，曾充分利用文学、艺术、音乐、壁画与雕塑等各种形式，对中国文化艺术产生过巨大影响。这方面论述也是本书南北朝、隋唐各卷的一个重点。随着佛教在中国的传播，因明学也曾为中国学者所关注，特别在西藏地区有所发展，由于长期缺乏整理，这一部分学问行将湮没，本书在隋唐部分也将给以介绍和评论。既然是中国佛教史，我们还要结合中国社会的特点，对寺院经济的形成及其作用，对佛教寺院组织也给以适当的论述。佛经翻译先后历千年之久，由分散到有组织有计划，其分工合作的制度并取得的有成效的经验，今天仍有参考价值，本书也将在隋唐时期列为专章给以介绍。佛教在中国的传播和发展，与中国的社会经济、政治情况是不可分的;同时也应看到，中国封建社会经济结构和政治结构有它的特殊性，以封建宗法制度为核心，宣扬三纲五常的封建专制主义统治了中国两千多年，而支持这一社会制度的主要思想支柱，是儒家和后来转化而成的儒教。佛教对中国的纲常名教起着夹辅作用，在思想方面它是为封建统治者征服人心的一个方面军，但不是主力军。只是在局部地区，如解放前的西藏，它取得过政教合一的绝对统治地位。在广大汉族地区，它和统治者配合得很好，虽也有时遭到过打击，随即又受到重视。中国佛教的命运与中国封建地主阶级的命运共休戚，相终始。如果只看到佛教的活动，而没看到佛教是在一种什么样的更大范围的社会历史背景之下所起的作用，那就会对中国佛教的历史地位和影响难以做出适当的评价。我们这本书，从佛教开始传入，就把它放在中国本土传统文化的附属地位。东汉三国时期的佛教，属于佛、道融合时期，它依附于方术、道士;晋、南北朝时期的佛教，属于佛、玄融合时期，它依附于玄学，并在依附的情形下逐渐得到滋长。隋唐时期佛教势力比过去有了更大的增长，寺院经济力量也逐渐雄厚，建立宗派，完成体系，并向国际化方向发展，属于三教鼎立时期，它虽然势力比过去盛大，也只是三教(儒释道)中之一支，并未能凌驾于儒教之上。进入封建社会后期的宋元明清时代，随着封建社会的停滞和衰退，佛教势力已趋于衰微。此时儒教已形成，并包容了佛教中对当时封建地主阶级有用的东西。佛教是依靠中国封建地主阶级的成长而起家的，也随着封建地主的没落而没落。对佛教有所偏爱的人们，虽惋惜它的衰败，却不能挽救它的衰颓。一种社会有兴衰，伴随着某种社会的一些宗教也有兴衰，我们不信佛教经典中所说的有什么“末法时期”，我们只相信社会历史发展规律;这个规律对任何伟大人物、伟大历史事件都是无情的，它是不可改变的。宗教的存在除了思想认识的原因外，还有其阶级土壤和社会土壤。只要有阶级、有贫富、有压迫，人们不能自己掌握自己命运，就为宗教提供了存在的条件。即使社会制度改变了，旧社会遗留下来的旧思想作为一种社会现象，它不会很快在生活中消逝，看不到它存在的顽固性和相当大的社会影响，也是不对的。从事中国佛教史的研究工作，前辈学者作过不少努力，也有很大的贡献，如杨仁山、蒋维乔、黄忏华、欧阳竟无、梁启超诸人都有过开创性的功劳。稍后，如吕澂、熊十力、汤用彤、陈寅恪、陈垣诸先生的著作，为研究佛教史及佛教思想提供了极为重要的思想资料和发展线索，特别是汤用彤、陈寅恪先生对佛教史研究的贡献，至今仍为国内外学者所称道和尊重。事物是发展的，社会在前进，人类的智慧也随着社会历史的前进而前进。1949年全国解放后，中华书局要重印汤用彤先生的《两汉魏晋南北朝佛教史》，汤先生很不满意他的旧作，多次和我谈起，要我协助他重新写一部中国佛教史。只是多年来，政治运动接连不断，广大知识分子不遑宁处，这个愿望竟未能实现。这十几年我国已有一些断代史的研究和作为文化史的部分的较详尽的关于佛教史的论著，这是可喜的现象。但这些著作毕竟不能代替中国佛教通史。值得庆幸的是我国经过浩劫，终于走上了光明大道，中国佛教史的研究也获得新的生机。我们自知才力和学识有限，要写出有高度科学水平的中国佛教史还有不少困难有待于克服，但是我们有机会见到前人所没有见过的材料;我们有可能吸收近年国际学者研究的新成果;我们比前人更幸运，因为我们开始运用辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义这个最新最犀利的工具来解剖佛教史，有了这个工具，就可以透过历史的迷雾，比前人看到更多的历史真相。历史发展总有它的前因后果，但因果之间的联系，有时是内在的必然的，有时是表面的偶然的，各种社会现象纷纭复杂，弄不好很容易使人上当受骗。历史上重要的人物对历史的发展往往起着关键性的作用，这是古今历史学家都注意到的。但个人与社会的关系，个人在社会中的地位，以及个人最终被时代和阶级关系所制约，这样一条真理，只有马克思主义才能给人以正确的答案，而这一条也正是我们的前辈学者所不能认识的。今人叙述古人，往往有两种毛病，一是站在古人的立场来重述古人的话头，所谓以经解经。这种转手贩运的办法，看起来没有走样，却并不能真正把古人的精神表达出来，使今人看不懂;一是任意发挥，或者把古人所没有的思想说成古已有之，也有人用现代西洋哲学某一学派来比附。这样做，看起来条理清晰，可是由于发挥过多，把不属于古人的思想说成古人的思想，缺少科学性。用这两种办法研究历史都是有害的。如何用科学的语言，把佛教思想中不科学的、但又结构严密的宗教哲学体系讲清楚，这是一个很艰巨的任务，我们力图使我们所介绍的佛教思想尽可能准确、可信，符合历史实际。我们不信仰佛教，也不认为佛教所宣传的是真理。但是我们认为佛教的产生和发展，有它的社会根源，思想根源。它的产生和发展不是偶然的，而是必然的。它所指出的解脱道路是假的，它所反映的当时的社会苦难却是真的。这就要求我们对它认真对待，不能掉以轻心。几千年来的广大佛教信奉者是受害者。他们信仰虔诚，态度严肃，真心相信佛教可以帮助摆脱现实苦难。他们的行为虽不足效法，但他们成为宗教的俘虏是值得同情的，放在一定的社会历史条件来看待这一现象，是完全可以理解的。我们也还要指出宣传佛教的人们中间确有一些利用佛教作为工具谋取私利的，历代封建统治者确曾利用佛教麻痹人民的反抗意志。看不到这一点，也是不对的。因此，我们只讲清楚道理，对佛教作为宗教，我们批判的锋芒所向是佛教的宗教世界观，而不是当前信奉佛教的群众;揭露的是佛教麻痹人民的宗教本质，而不是针对虔诚的善男信女。这样既尊重曾经存在的历史事实，也尊重千百万宗教信徒的宗教感情。不必讳言，马克思主义的世界观与宗教的世界观是根本对立的，但宗教信仰是个人的自由，我们反对任何人把自己的观点强加于人。信宗教有自由，不信宗教也有自由。宗教问题是可以讨论的，而且也应该讨论的。我们对佛教史上的许多理论问题，采取说理的态度，以理服人。佛教属于唯心主义宗教体系，它通过唯心主义的理论的论证，把人们引进信仰主义的大门。它的逻辑分析、心理分析相当细致，辩证法思想也相当丰富。佛教哲学比起欧洲中世纪的神学和中国的封建主义哲学都更精密。正是由于佛教的输入，才使得中国的宋明理学改变了它的面貌，完整地构造了儒教的思想体系。也正是由于佛教的传播，才使得中国的道教在某些方面吸收了佛教的内容，形成了佛教道教交互影响的局面。中国佛教是在中国发展成长的，它已成为中国的传统思想的组成部分。它的哲学的解答虽然是错误的，但是它提出了问题，迫使人们进一步寻求正确的答案，它对我国文化有过积极作用。伴随着佛教的宗教活动，同时丰富了我国的音乐、舞蹈、绘画、建筑、文学等各个领域。伴随着佛教的传播，推进了我国与邻国的文化交流，加深了相互间的友谊与了解。如果我们善于总结历史经验，不仅对古代历史研究有意义，对今后的国际文化发展也有积极意义。最后应当说明，马克思主义的历史唯物主义的原理虽只有简单的几条，但如何正确运用于研究中国佛教史，却是一个艰难的有待于通过科研实践不断解决的问题。就我们来说还是刚刚开始摸索经验，理论水平确实不高，缺点错误一定不少，深望读者指正，以便今后改进。本书第一卷的执笔者(按姓氏笔画为序)有任继愈、杜继文、杨曾文同志，刘苏同志担任抄写及校对工作。为了便于读者了解印度佛教的基本情况，特将黄心川同志的《印度佛教哲学》附录于后。任继愈1980年于北京

The founder of Buddhism was Siddhartha ( ) , whose family name was Gautama , and was said to be the crown prince of Jing Rice , born in Kapilavastu , in what is now the Kingdom of Nepal. He spent his life as a missionary in the Ganges Valley of northern and central India. S'akyamuni is a Buddhist honorific title for him. Regarding his birth and death years, according to documentary sources, he was born about 565 BC and died between 490 and 480 BC, slightly earlier than Confucius in China (Confucius's birth and death year is 551-479 BC), see Tang Yongtong, A History of Indian Philosophy, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1960 edition, p. 59. The period when Buddhism began to spread in India was the period when the slave society in India was relatively developed. The process of feudalization in India took a long time, and it was about the first century BC to the sixth century AD that India's feudal economy gradually consolidated. After entering feudal society, the remnants of slavery in India continued for a long time. Early Buddhism served the Indian slave-owning class at the time, while later Buddhist Mahayana served the feudal landowning class. Buddhism began to spread in Nepal, India, Pakistan, and then south to Sri Lanka, Indochina Peninsula, north to Central Asia, with the economic and cultural exchanges between China and Central Asian countries, Buddhism was introduced into China at the time of the Two Han Dynasties, and under China's social and historical conditions, it began to take root and develop, becoming an integral part of the superstructure of China's feudal society. The spread and development of Buddhism in China has lasted for nearly two thousand years, and it has exerted a wide influence among all strata of Chinese feudal society. Since the day it was introduced to China, it has been adapted to the needs of the feudal landlord class at that time to propagate and explain its religious doctrines. Many Chinese and foreign scholars believe that Chinese Buddhism deviates from the original purpose of Indian Buddhism and makes Indian Buddhism out of shape. This view is not without some merit, but it is not appropriate. Ideology is the product of a certain society, and all kinds of societies have their processes of growth and decline. Indian Buddhism also has its growth and decline, always developing and changing. Buddhism in India has not only changed greatly in one or two thousand years, but even if we take the religious activities of the Buddha's life, according to the research of later generations, his early missionary and later missionary focuses are also different. What exactly is Buddhism as it is? About a hundred years after the Buddha's death, there were serious differences in the understanding of the teachings and canons among Buddhists, forming two major sects: Theravada and Mass. Subsequently, the two schools continued to diverge, forming eighteen (or twenty). Then came the Mahayana school of Buddhism. Among the Mahayana sects, there was first the Middle School advocated by Nagarjuna and Deva, and later there was the Enlightenment School advocated by Wushu and Shiqin. Mahayana claims to have received the "righteousness" of the Buddha, while many schools of Hinayana do not admit defeat, coexisting with Mahayana, each with its own portal, and continues to circulate. Thus, there is no single standard Buddhist model in India. If we want to clearly explain the truth of the differentiation and rise and fall of various schools of Buddhism in India, we should not only look for the reasons for the changes in Buddhism within Buddhism, but should look for the reasons for the rise and fall of Buddhism from the social history of India. This is a separate topic and does not fall within the scope of the history of Chinese Buddhism. Our task is to investigate the history of Buddhism in China and reveal the laws of its development and change, so as to help deepen the understanding of the ancient feudal culture of China after the Eastern Han Dynasty, and better understand the history of Chinese philosophy, literature and the whole history. Social practice shows that everything is developing and changing, and the view that "the heavens do not change, and the Tao does not change" believed by the ancients can only express the subjective wishes of the landlord class who obtained political power. Philosophy and religion seem to be high in the sky, as if they do not eat human fireworks, but in fact they are still reflections of the economic and political life of a certain society, but sometimes they are direct reflections, sometimes indirect reflections, and sometimes tortuous reflections. Socio-economic and political life is always constantly evolving and changing, so that philosophies and religions that reflect economic and political life change accordingly. We should find out the regularity in Buddhism by examining the whole process of Buddhism's initial transmission, growth, prosperity, and decline in the land of China. Feudal society is different from modern society, and respecting heaven and law is the common creed of almost all feudal societies. There are many schools of philosophy and many schools of religion, and they often display banners with different symbols to attract them. But the flag doesn't really represent its essence. Take the familiar Chinese Confucianism, for example. From the founding of Confucianism in the Spring and Autumn Period, through the Confucianism of the Han Dynasty, the Confucianism of the Song and Ming Dynasties, to the "Confucius Family" before the May Fourth in the late Qing Dynasty, everyone used to regard the Confucianism founded by Confucius as an unchanged school that influenced Chinese cultural history for two thousand years. In fact, the Confucianism embraced in the Han Dynasty is no longer the Confucianism represented by Kong, Meng, and Xun. The Confucians of the Han Dynasty counted Yan and Qi Fangshi's deduction of the five elements of yin and yang, astrology, speech disasters, faith and xiang, greeting gods and sending ghosts, and praying for rain to stop rain as Confucian content. This is the Confucianism of Confucianism and Taoism (Taoism, Taoism). Cheng Zhu Lixue of the Song Dynasty appointed himself as the sixteen-character true biography passed down by Yao Shunyu: "People's hearts are only in danger, the Tao's heart is only weak, and the only essence is the only one, and it is allowed to be in the middle of the struggle." (Shangshu Dayumu), who calls himself Susi Masamune. In fact, Song Confucianism used Confucius as a signboard and absorbed a lot of Buddhist and Taoist religious worldviews and religious cultivation methods. For example, it advocates meditation to observe joy, anger and sorrow, and is committed to "discerning the desires of heaven and man", and asking people to "save heavenly reason and eliminate human desires". "Preserving heaven and removing human desires" is not a philosophical question, but a theological one, a question of teaching people how to eliminate sin, save the soul, and enter the kingdom of heaven (the ideal spiritual state). In modern times, Kang Youwei also raised the signboard of Confucius and reformed the system of Togu. Confucian schools throughout the ages in China claimed that their sect had received the true transmission of the sect leader. The development of Chinese Buddhist history also shows that the Buddhist schools and doctrines of various eras have little to do with Shakya, and have a deep relationship with the social system and class interests in which they live. "We do not turn secular problems into theological problems, we want to turn theological problems into secular problems." The Complete Works of Marx and Engels, vol. 1, People's Publishing House, 1956, p. 425. This is our attitude towards studying the history of various religions, and it is also our approach to the history of Buddhism. During the Eastern Han Dynasty Chinese it was known that there were Buddhas in the West, and it was generally introduced through the translation of Western monks. After the Sui and Tang dynasties, due to the increase in the number of Buddhist texts translated and introduced, he gradually Chinese developed his own writings, including commentaries on Buddhist scriptures and treatises on Buddhism. Most of the surviving Buddhist classics translated from Chinese were translated from the Eastern Han Dynasty to the middle of the Tang Dynasty (which lasted about 800 years). After the Tang Dynasty, there were also some sporadic translations, about 500 volumes, the content of which was mostly supplemented by the old translated Buddhist scriptures, and most of them were scattered sketches, and their influence in society was not great. After the Tang Dynasty, a large number of Buddhist scriptures translated into Tibetan language have been preserved, which is also a great wealth in China's Buddhist texts. Most of the Tibetan Buddhist scriptures are translated from Sanskrit, and a small number are translated into Tibetan by Chinese translations. It can be seen that cultural exchanges between Tibet and the Central Plains have been frequent since ancient times. The Buddhist scriptures translated from the Eastern Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms period were introduced by monks from Tianzhu, Dayue, Anxi, Kangju and other places as well as the western regions of China. At that time, it was not clear whether it was based on the Tianzhu script or the Western Regions script, and many of them may be local languages of the Western Regions. During the Southern and Northern Dynasties, when Chinese talked about the translation of Buddhism, he often said "translate Hu as Qin" (秦 refers to 苻秦, Yao Qin). The extant Forty-two Chapters of the Sutra, which is said to be a translation of Setsomoten, may be an abridged translation or compilation of some chapters of the Ahan Sutra from the content, but today it is difficult to identify which chapters of the Ahan Sutra it is. "If the translation is not understood, it will not be transmitted, so there will be loss, and there will be many who do not come out" "Preface to the Dharma Sentences and Scriptures", Book 7 of the Collected Works of the Three Collections of Tripitaka. What the translator does not understand is not translated, and the loss is inevitable. Moreover, in the early days of the introduction of Buddhism, it was natural to select only a part of a certain Buddhist sutra for missionary purposes. In fact, even if the translator thought he understood, the translation may not conform to the original meaning of the Buddhist book, because the Buddhist believers at that time used the religious concepts and cultural ideas that were popular in China at that time. It is not an easy task for a new religious ideology to reach a strange people and demand the trust of the local masses. Missionaries should be good at catering to the ideas and demands of the local masses and adopt some methods to meet their demands. The degree to which theory is realized in a nation depends on the extent to which the theory satisfies the needs of that nation. The Eastern Han Dynasty inherited the tradition of religious theological teleology since the Western Han Dynasty, and superstition was more prevalent than in the Western Han Dynasty, and through the use and promotion of Wang Mang and Liu Xiu, it has spread throughout the government and the public. Popular religious superstitions in Eastern Han society include astrology, qiqi, wind horn, and fortune. The preface of the "Later Hanshu Fangshu Lineage" says: Since Emperor Wu is quite good at Fangshu, the world has a person who cooperates with the Taoist arts, and he does not live up to the strategy, and succumbs to the wind. Hou Wang Mang corrected the talisman order, and Guangwu You believed in the proverb, and those who went to the fun of the time were all galloping through the chisel and arguing. Under the prevailing superstition in the Two Han Dynasties, it is completely understandable that Buddhism was also regarded as a superstitious religion in society by Chinese. Yuan Hong's "Later Han Dynasty" said: Those who are shamen, Han Yan rests his heart, covers his desire to go, and desires return to Wuwei. The old translation of "Nirvana" means "Wuwei", and the Buddhism understood by the Han people is the Buddhism of Huang Lao's art. In the Han Dynasty, immortal magic often attracted the masses of believers through spells, healing, astrology, calamities, prayers, and predictions of misfortune. Buddhists in the Han Dynasty also often catered to the missionary methods of the immortal practitioners and Taoists in the society at that time, and also used methods such as divination, anticipation, and medical treatment to get close to the masses. According to Buddhist historical records, the famous monks from the east knew some methods. For example, An Shigao, "erudition, comprehensive divine model, seven positive and seven right, that is, seven politics, the sun and moon and the five stars operate regularly, and their changes can be inferred by calculation." Shrinking, auspicious atmosphere, landslides, needle and pulse techniques, color and disease, birds and beasts chirping, all soundless" "An-like Guarding the Meaning Sutra Preface", "Collected Works of the Three Collections", volume 6. The "Legend of the High Monk" also said that An Shigao was familiar with "foreign texts and the seven yao and five elements, and medical prescriptions and different techniques". At the end of the Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms, the Kang monks would "clearly understand the Three Tripitakas, read the Six Sutras, Astronomical Maps, and Comprehensively Discuss Many Books" Volume 1 of the "Legend of the High Monk". Tanko Garo "Good Learning of the Four Vedas, Wind and Clouds and Stars, Fortune and Change, Should Not Be Comprehensive" "The Legend of the High Monk" Volume 1. In addition, later foreign monks begged Navardhara, "Heavenly calculations, medical spells, should not be learned" "The Legend of the High Monk, Book III. Pray that Nabidi "Enlighten yin and yang, take advantage of the time and test things, and the signs are not one" ibid. Buddhism was introduced to China so it can be accepted, first of all, it is not necessarily their set of "peaceful and mindful" meditation and Prajna learning, it seems that their methods are more attractive to some people. "Hou Hanshu Wuhuan Biography": "... Let the gods [dogs] protect the dead return to Chishan... For example, the souls of the dead in China return to Daishan. "The Notes on the Water Classic, Wenshui Note" quotes the "Kaishan Map" as saying: "Taishan is on the left, the father is on the right, the father is born, and the father of Liang is dead." Therefore, during the Three Kingdoms period, when translating Buddhist scriptures from Chinese, some translated "hell" as "Taishan". It can be seen that the attitude of the Han Dynasty towards Buddhism, whether in theory or in the actions of missionary monks, was to meet this foreign religion with the perspective of Chinese immortal Fangshu and Taoism. The superstitious propaganda of immortal priests and Taoist priests was very suitable for the Chinese feudal aristocracy who hoped for immortality and forever lived their greedy and foolish life of exploitation and pleasure. The teachings of Buddhism were originally very close to this set of Chinese Fangshu Taoists, but in fact, Chinese did understand Buddhism as a kind of Fangshu at that time. Even Buddhist and Taoist names are close together. Taoists are called Taoists, and Buddhists are called "Taoists", a title that was still popular until the Eastern Jin Dynasty and the Northern and Southern Dynasties. "The Taoist people of Shudu began to cross the river and were married to a Taoist" ("The World Speaks New Language, False Words"). At that time, the monks called themselves "Poor Dao". The monk Zhi Xiaolong traveled to Zhumen a lot, and when people ridiculed him, Zhi Xiaolong replied: "When you see that it is Zhumen, the poor road is like wandering into a tent." In the early days of Buddhism into China, in order to gain a foothold in China, it was first necessary to integrate with China's native religious superstitions, especially Taoism, and Chinese also looked at Buddhism from the perspective of Taoism, so people at that time praised Buddhism's proposition as: Buddha, Buddha, Western Regions Tianzhu has Buddha Daoyan. Buddhas, Han Yanjue, are mainly based on cultivating compassion, not killing, and specializing in purity. Its elves are called Shamen. The Shamen are the ones who breathe their hearts, cover their desires, and want to return to nothingness. He also has retribution for all good and evil deeds he does in life, and he does good and cultivate the path by refining his spirit, so that he can become a Buddha by doing nothing. The Buddha's body is one foot and six feet long, golden, and the sun and moonlight in the neck, changing in all directions, omnipresent, so he can pass through a hundred things and benefit the masses. ...... There are hundreds of thousands, with nothingness as the sect, all-encompassing, all-encompassing, good is grand and victorious, what is sought is within oneness, and what is clear is outside the audio-visual, and the worldly people think that it is false, but it is subtle and far-reaching, and it is rare to measure. Therefore, Lord Wanggong, when watching the retribution of death and life, he couldn't help but lose himself. (Yuan Hong's "Later Han Dynasty", vol. 10) Buddhism, as understood by ordinary people in Eastern Han society, has divine powers, wears the sun and moonlight in Xiangzhong, changes everywhere, and is omnipresent, which is the familiar "god man" and "supreme man" in China; "Specialized and pure, rest the desire and return to nothing", this is the slogan of China's Huang Lao's learning and primitive Taoism. At the end of the Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms, Buddhism in the minds of ordinary people in society, but that's it. Although the teachings of Buddhism were introduced more systematically at that time, they cannot be said to have had a wide impact on society. In the writings and writings of Chinese philosophers and their intellectual literature, such as Ji Kang, Ruan Zhi, Wang Bi, He Yan, and other important thinkers of the Western Jin Dynasty, no clear signs of Buddhism have been found. On the contrary, there are signs of Buddhism's accommodation of Central Plains Taoism from early Buddhist texts. Although Buddhism in this period said that Buddhism and Tao were integrated, it was actually Buddhism that merged with Taoism, and Buddhism catered to Taoism. When commenting on the Buddhism of Weidi in the Three Kingdoms, Huijiao of the Southern Dynasty believed that it was very inconsistent with the rules of Buddhism: although there was Buddhism in the Wei realm, and the Taoist wind was substituted, there were also monks who had not yet taken vows, and they were cutting off their ears. Set up a resumption of fasting, the shrine of the "Legend of Tan Kegaro", "The Legend of the High Monk" Volume 1. Judging Han monks by the Qing rules and precepts of later monks certainly did not meet Buddhist standards, so they said "Taoist style destitution". In fact, the appearance of Buddhism at that time was like that, similar to the practice of Taoists, and could not be regarded as "substitution". At that time, "setting up a fasting and confession, and worshiping the law" was completely true, because the Buddhist understanding of Chinese at that time was indeed a kind of temple and was used to pray for blessings. The development of Chinese Buddhist history was mainly carried out in the early Han and Tang dynasties of Chinese feudal society and the late Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties of feudal society. Therefore, the history of Chinese Buddhism is closely related to the economic development and political struggle of Chinese feudal society. China's feudal society lasted a long time, and Buddhism was introduced at the end of the Western Han Dynasty and the early years of the Eastern Han Dynasty, when the feudal powerful landlords were in power, and the subsequent system of inspection and prosecution was for the powerful landlords to invoke each other and collude with each other, forming a powerful group with privileges for generations of the entrenched feudal aristocracy. It was the predecessor of the landlord class of the Gate Shi clan in the later Wei and Jin dynasties, and when Buddhism was introduced, it relied on the social forces of the Han Dynasty royalty and the upper aristocracy. In the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Huan of the Eastern Han Dynasty (166 AD), Xiangkai wrote in his letter: I also heard that the palace was neutral to the Huanglao Futu Temple, this way is clean, noble and inactive, good life and evil killing, save desire and luxury. Under the monopoly of privileges of court emperors and nobles, immortal immortality, temple worship and blessing, is also a luxury of spiritual privileges, ordinary people can not do. During the Three Kingdoms period, Buddhism spread more widely, and the general public only came into contact with it as objects of alms from the privileged aristocracy. For example, the "Records of the Three Kingdoms" volume 49 "Wu Zhi Liu Xi Biography" recorded: Ji Rong, Danyang people... The temple is made of copper, and the body is painted with gold... The lower is a heavy pavilion road, which can accommodate more than 3,000 people, and read Buddhist scriptures in class, so that people in the boundary and the neighboring counties have good Buddhist Taoists to listen to the Tao, and resume other services, so as to attract them, so that more than 5,000 people from near and far have arrived. Every time the Buddha bathed, more wine and rice were set up, and the banquet was laid on the road, passing through tens of miles, and the people came to watch and eat and eat tens of thousands of people, spending hundreds of millions of dollars. Greedy officials like Ji Rong believed in Buddhism for his personal blessings, and ordered the common people under his jurisdiction to exempt those who believed in Buddha's chanting sutras from conscription, and also set up more wine and meals to attract spectators and eaters. It can be seen that there are already many believers in this area, and the influence of Buddhism has gradually expanded. Naturally, there are also some people who may not really believe in the Buddha, but only come to recite and worship the Buddha for him in order to escape the heavy conscription. The history of Chinese philosophy is divided by the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties as a historical period, because the feudal society of this period has some characteristics, which are different from the feudal society before and after it. The issues involved in the contact with the history of Buddhism have many things in common or related to the history of Chinese philosophy, so the periodization of the history of Buddhism is consistent with the periodization of the history of Chinese philosophy that we compile. The history of philosophy and the history of Buddhism belong to two fields, but they both reflect the same Chinese society from different perspectives. There are also many common and related issues. The history of Buddhism and Chinese philosophy that we have written echoes each other, and this is one detail and the other, in order to cooperate with each other and avoid duplication. Due to the abundance of Buddhist materials, and the fact that there has not been a general history of Chinese Buddhism in the 30 years since the founding of the People's Republic of China, our history of Buddhism strives to draw on a wide range of materials and describe it in detail. Some special terms and concepts in Buddhist classics are rare in ordinary ancient books, and the style of Buddhist sutra translation is also unique and not easy for ordinary readers to understand, we strive to use the language of modern science to introduce its original meaning to readers, and put forward our own views and comments. The history of Chinese Buddhism begins in the Eastern Han Dynasty to the Three Kingdoms. The Buddhism of the Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties is rich in content, and Buddhism of various schools in India has been basically introduced to China and has grown and developed in China, and it is proposed to divide this period into two volumes. During the Sui and Tang dynasties, the second great unified dynasty of Chinese feudal society, the national strength was strong, the culture was prosperous, and it made positive contributions to world culture at that time. Under such social and historical conditions, Buddhism grew from the growth of the Southern and Northern Dynasties to grandeur, forming many sects with international influence. We will also divide this period into two volumes. The Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties were the late period of Chinese feudal society, and due to changes in social and political conditions, Chinese feudalism was strengthening in all aspects of ideology, and the rule of centralized power was also more intensified. After the establishment of the three religions in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the three churches after the Song and Ming dynasties were united, forming Confucianism centered on Confucianism. Buddhism and Taoism have declined in form, but in fact, the religious spirit of Buddhism and Taoism has penetrated into Confucianism. Confucianism became a religion thanks to Buddhism and Taoism as its pillars, and in the two religions, Buddhism played a major role. From the middle of the Tang Dynasty to the Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, we will also discuss Tibetan Buddhism, because it is also part of the history of Chinese Buddhism, and it has its characteristics and significance. During the Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, it is also proposed to be discussed in two volumes. At the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the People's Dynasty, China's feudal society disintegrated, and China degenerated into a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The ideology that reflected China's feudal society also changed accordingly. During this period, Buddhism still had considerable influence in society, and some Buddhist sects reared their heads, but at this time, Western modern ideas poured into China, and the objects served by Buddhism and its social role were also different from ancient Buddhism. We intend to devote this period to a separate volume, limited to the period before the founding of the People's Republic of China. The Buddhist book is collectively known as the Three Tripitakas. According to the content, the three collections are as vast as a sea of smoke, and according to the content, they can be roughly divided into four categories: the first category, books on the introduction of basic knowledge of Buddhism, such as the explanation of noun concepts, whether Mahayana or Hinayana or Buddhist knowledge, as long as it is Buddhist common sense, that is, the number of things that the ancients said, such as "five truths", "four truths", "twelve births", etc., belong to "Buddhist manuals" and so on. The second category concerns Buddhist precepts, which are used to maintain the norms of collective life of monks. The third category, the propaganda of biographies and stories about Buddhas, for Buddhist believers, is used to strengthen Buddhist beliefs, set an example to follow, and also to popularize. The fourth category, on Buddhist religious theory, includes methods of religious cultivation. The first two categories mostly belong to the texts studied within Buddhists and have little impact on society. The third category is both propaganda material within Buddhists and socially oriented. The fourth type of influence is not limited to Buddhists, it is stirring, blending, and closely related to the main social trends of the time, and ideas, literature, art, and philosophy are often related to this type of work in the Buddhist scriptures. Therefore, the focus of this book is on the introduction and critique of Buddhist philosophical thought. In order to achieve the purpose of religious propaganda, Buddhism has made full use of literature, art, music, murals and sculptures, and has had a great impact on Chinese culture and art. This aspect of discussion is also a key point of the books of the Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang Dynasties. With the spread of Buddhism in China, because Ming Studies has also attracted the attention of Chinese scholars, especially in Tibet, due to a long-term lack of collation, this part of the learning is about to disappear, and this book will also be introduced and commented on in the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Since we are the history of Buddhism in China, we must also take into account the characteristics of Chinese society, give an appropriate discussion on the formation and role of the monastic economy, and the organization of Buddhist monasteries. The Buddhist scripture translation has lasted for thousands of years, from scattered to organized and planned, and its system of division of labor and cooperation and the fruitful experience gained are still of reference value today, and this book will also be introduced as a special chapter in the Sui and Tang dynasties. The spread and development of Buddhism in China is inseparable from China's socio-economic and political situation; At the same time, it should also be noted that China's feudal socio-economic structure and political structure have its own peculiarities, with the feudal patriarchal system as the core, and the feudal absolutism that preaches the three principles and five permanent principles has ruled China for more than 2,000 years, and the main ideological pillar supporting this social system is Confucianism and Confucianism, which was later transformed. Buddhism played a complementary role to China's Gangchang Mingjiao, and in terms of ideology it was a front, but not the main force, for the feudal rulers. It is only in some areas, such as Tibet before liberation, that it achieved absolute theocratic dominance. In the vast Han areas, it worked well with the rulers, although it was sometimes attacked, and then taken seriously. The fate of Chinese Buddhism is closely linked to the fate of the Chinese feudal landlord class. If we only look at the activities of Buddhism and do not see the role that Buddhism plays in a larger socio-historical context, it is difficult to make a proper evaluation of the historical status and influence of Buddhism in China. Our book, which began to be introduced from Buddhism, placed it in a subsidiary position of China's native traditional culture. Buddhism in the Three Kingdoms period of the Eastern Han Dynasty belonged to the period of integration of Buddha and Taoism, and it was attached to Fangshu and Taoists; Buddhism during the Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties periods belonged to the period of integration of Buddha and Xuan, which was attached to metaphysics and gradually grew under the condition of dependence. During the Sui and Tang dynasties, the power of Buddhism grew greater than in the past, and the economic power of monasteries gradually increased, establishing sects, completing the system, and developing in the direction of internationalization, belonging to the period of the establishment of the three religions, although its power was greater than in the past, it was only one of the three religions (Confucianism), and it was not above Confucianism. In the late Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, with the stagnation and decline of feudal society, the power of Buddhism tended to decline. By this time Confucianism had taken shape and embraced what was useful in Buddhism for the feudal landlord class at that time. Buddhism began with the growth of China's feudal landlord class, and it also declined with the decline of feudal landlords. People who have a preference for Buddhism lament its decay, but they cannot save it. A society has ups and downs, along with some religions of a certain society, we do not believe in the Buddhist scriptures as there is any "last period", we only believe in the laws of social historical development; This law is ruthless to any great person, great historical event, and it is immutable. In addition to ideological and cognitive reasons, the existence of religion also has its class soil and social soil. As long as there are classes, rich and poor, and oppression, people cannot control their own destiny, which provides the conditions for the existence of religion. Even if the social system changes, it is not right to see the stubbornness and considerable social impact of its existence, as a social phenomenon, as a social phenomenon. Engaged in the research of Chinese Buddhist history, senior scholars have made a lot of efforts and made great contributions, such as Yang Renshan, Jiang Weiqiao, Huang Chenhua, Ouyang Jingwu, Liang Qichao and all have pioneering credits. Later, the works of Mr. Lü Yongtong, Xiong Shili, Tang Yongtong, Chen Yinke, and Chen Yuanzhu provided extremely important ideological materials and development clues for the study of Buddhist history and Buddhist thought, especially the contributions of Mr. Tang Yongtong and Chen Yinke to the study of Buddhist history, which are still praised and respected by scholars at home and abroad. Things are developing, society is advancing, and human wisdom is advancing with the progress of social history. After the liberation of the whole country in 1949, the China Book Company wanted to reprint Mr. Tang Yongtong's "History of Buddhism in the Two Han Dynasties, Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties", and Mr. Tang was very dissatisfied with his old work, and talked to me many times, asking me to help him rewrite a history of Chinese Buddhism. It is only that over the years, political movements have continued one after another, and the vast number of intellectuals have not been retreated, and this wish has not been realized. In the past decade or so, China has conducted some research on the history of the dynasty and more detailed treatises on the history of Buddhism as part of cultural history, which is a gratifying phenomenon. But after all, these works cannot replace the general history of Chinese Buddhism. Fortunately, after a catastrophe, our country has finally embarked on the bright road, and the study of the history of Chinese Buddhism has gained new vitality. We have limited self-knowledge and knowledge, and there are still many difficulties to overcome in writing a highly scientific history of Chinese Buddhism, but we have the opportunity to see materials that have never been seen before; It is possible for us to absorb new research results from international scholars in recent years; We are more fortunate than our predecessors, because we have begun to use dialectical materialism and historical materialism, the latest and sharpest tools, to dissect the history of Buddhism, with which we can see more historical truth through the fog of history than our predecessors. Historical development always has its causes and consequences, but the connection between cause and effect is sometimes intrinsically inevitable, sometimes superficially accidental, and various social phenomena are complex and complex, and it is easy to make people deceived if they are not done well. Important figures in history often play a key role in the development of history, which is noted by historians, both ancient and modern. But the relationship between the individual and society, the position of the individual in society, and the fact that the individual is ultimately constrained by the times and class relations, such a truth, only Marxism can give people the correct answer, and this is exactly what our predecessor scholars could not recognize. Today's people often have two kinds of problems when describing the ancients, one is to retell the words of the ancients from the position of the ancients, the so-called interpretation of the scriptures. This method of changing hands and trafficking does not seem to be out of shape, but it cannot really express the spirit of the ancients, so that today's people cannot understand it; One is to play arbitrarily, or to say that ideas that the ancients did not have are ancient and existing, and some people use a certain school of modern Western philosophy to compare. This seems to be organized, but because of too much play, it lacks scientific nature to describe ideas that do not belong to the ancients as the ideas of the ancients. Studying history in both ways is harmful. How to use scientific language to clearly explain the unscientific but well-structured religious philosophical system of Buddhist thought is a very arduous task, and we try to make the Buddhist thought we introduce as accurate and credible as possible, and conform to historical reality. We do not believe in Buddhism, nor do we think that Buddhism preaches the truth. But we believe that the emergence and development of Buddhism has its social and ideological roots. Its emergence and development is not accidental, but inevitable. The path of liberation it points out is false, but the social suffering it reflects at that time is real. This requires that we take it seriously and not take it lightly. The vast number of Buddhist adherents for thousands of years were victims. They are devout, serious, and genuinely believe that Buddhism can help escape real suffering. Although their actions are not imitated, their becoming prisoners of religion deserves sympathy, and it is completely understandable to view this phenomenon in certain socio-historical conditions. We should also point out that there are indeed some among those who propagate Buddhism as a tool for personal gain, and that successive feudal rulers have used Buddhism to paralyze the people's will to resist. It's also wrong not to see this. Therefore, we only make the truth clear, and the sharp point of our criticism of Buddhism as a religion is the religious worldview of Buddhism, not the current Buddhist masses; What is revealed is that Buddhism paralyzes the religious nature of the people, not against devout men and women. This respects both the historical facts that existed and the religious feelings of millions of religious believers. Needless to say, the Marxist worldview is fundamentally opposed to the religious worldview, but religious belief is the freedom of the individual, and we oppose anyone imposing their own views on others. There is freedom to believe in religion, and freedom not to believe in religion. Religious issues can and should be discussed. We take a reasonable attitude towards many theoretical issues in the history of Buddhism in order to convince people. Buddhism belongs to the idealistic religious system, which introduces people to the door of faithfulness through the argument of idealistic theory. Its logical analysis and psychological analysis are quite detailed, and its dialectical ideas are also quite rich. Buddhist philosophy is more sophisticated than medieval European theology and Chinese feudal philosophy. It is precisely because of the import of Buddhism that China's Song Mingli theory has changed its appearance and completely constructed the Confucian ideological system. It is precisely because of the spread of Buddhism that Chinese Taoism has absorbed the content of Buddhism in some aspects, forming a situation of interactive influence between Buddhism and Taoism. Chinese Buddhism developed and grew in China, and it has become an integral part of traditional Chinese thought. Although its philosophical answer is wrong, it raises questions and forces people to seek the right answer further, and it has had a positive effect on our culture. Along with the religious activities of Buddhism, it also enriches the music, dance, painting, architecture, literature and other fields of our country. Along with the spread of Buddhism, cultural exchanges between China and neighboring countries have been promoted, and mutual friendship and understanding have been deepened. If we are good at summing up historical experience, it will not only be meaningful to the study of ancient history, but also have positive significance for future international cultural development. Finally, it should be pointed out that although there are only a few simple principles of Marxist historical materialism, how to correctly apply them to the study of the history of Chinese Buddhism is a difficult problem that needs to be continuously solved through scientific research practice. As far as we are concerned, we have just begun to explore experience, the theoretical level is indeed not high, there must be many shortcomings and mistakes, and we hope that readers will correct them in order to improve them in the future. The authors of the first volume of this book (in alphabetical order) are Comrades Ren Jiyu, Du Jiwen, Yang Zengwen, and Comrade Liu Su is responsible for copying and proofreading. In order to facilitate readers to understand the basic situation of Buddhism in India, Comrade Huang Xinchuan's "Philosophy of Indian Buddhism" is appended below. Ren Jiyu was born in Beijing in 1980（AI翻译）