一 研究背景与缘起

（一）政治民主化、法治化：政治文明建设的价值指引

第二次世界大战之后，民主化浪潮更为迅猛地席卷了世界大多数国家，时至今日，已有100多个国家选择了民主制度。政治民主化、法治化，人民自由、平等作为美好、高尚的理想，每时每刻都在冲破重重阻碍，显示出不可阻挡的历史潮流。任何国家、任何民族，都将或迟或早地融入这一历史潮流中。正是顺应这一历史趋势，中国共产党带领着中国人民，以民主、法治、自由、平等为价值指引，进行政治民主化、法治化的伟大变革。

政治民主化就是人民民主，实现人民自治，人民自己统治自己，自己管理自己，在政治生活中当家做主，因而，民主本质上是一种社会管理体制。专制制度将社会最高权力赋予少数人，将权威建立在继承或征服的基础上，统治者之握持权威可以无视被管制者的意志任意挥洒其至高无上的权力，将社会成员置于其权力淫威和精神奴役之下，社会成员只能充当臣民，丝毫无个人的自由和平等可言。而民主制度明确表示社会最高权力属于人民，统治的合法性建基于人民的同意，政府及其官员不过是人民授权的代理人，必须依照人民共同意志履行职责和行使权力。而人民作为全体社会成员的总称，是一个抽象的概念，在具体的社会生活中，人民表现为公民，即在特定社会中根据法律而接受的正式社会成员。由于民主程度决定于参与——受政策影响的社会成员参与决策的程度。因而人民当家做主事实上具体化为作为社会成员的公民凭借公民权对社会政治生活的参与。公民参与国家政治生活，表达自己的意见和主张，与其他公民共同讨论、协商事关自身利益的公共事务，会聚成社会共识，凝结为社会成员的共同目标，并上升为国家目标。在此过程中，由于国家目标是公民本身参与讨论、协商、达成共识制定而成，是出自公民内心的信条，不仅为公民的忠顺和团结提供了坚实基础，更为政治社会的团结、稳定和发展提供了保证。而且，对于个体而言，由于社会目标是自己亲身参与制定的成果，在此过程中，公民的主体性受到尊重，自由得到保证，智识得到锻炼，人格平等成为共识，从而极大地激发其创造性和活力，促进人的自我发展和完善。正因为如此，政治民主化成为政治文明的普世价值。

但民主制度的良性运行需要法治。民主制度实践表明，没有法治的民主会成为无序民主，导致社会动荡。古希腊直接民主为人所诟病之处在于其所谓“多数人的暴政”。由于希腊民主建立在社会大众的意愿基础上，大众在情绪激动、缺乏规制的情况下，往往会做出愚蠢决定，做出危害社会的决策。正是在此意义上，卢梭深刻指出“公意”并非是“众意”。对群体判断的研究亦表明，群体判断通常优于个体，但群体中最优秀成员的判断往往会与群体的成绩相当或优于群体2500924。而且纯粹民主总是不能与“个人安全或财产权相容”,“它们普遍地寿命短促，死亡惨烈”2500925，所以民主需要理性的规制。而法律能有效地克服民主此一缺陷，法律体现了社会的理性，它通过建立一系列的程序和规则，用以保护个人和少数人的权利和自由，使民主富有成效，法治成为现代民主国家的理性选择。现代民主国家通过法律规定公民权利和国家权力的界限，通过法律规定公民参与的规则和程序。公民依据法定程序，参与国家政治生活，参与选举，参与管理，参与监督，参与决策。一旦大众的民主参与和多数的“众意”威胁个人的权利，威胁社会稳定与和谐，影响国家的长远利益，社会精英根据法律予以更正。一旦权力侵蚀权利，公民可以依据法律维护自己的权利。法治使民主规范化、有序化。因而，树立法治观念，完善法治建设是民主政治的基本要求，法治化成为社会政治文明建设的价值指引。

（二）公民意识：政治民主化、法治化的内在动力

任何伟大的社会变革要想获得成功，其背后都需要精神力量的支撑，否则，法律规则、社会制度将虚有其表，轰轰烈烈的变革也因缺乏社会心理的支持而流于破产。政治民主化、法治化变革成功亦需要精神力量支撑，公民意识或者说公民心灵习性是民主法治变革获得成功的精神条件。

“从亚里士多德到布赖斯，民主理论家们都曾强调，要保持民主就需要公民积极地参与国家事务，需要具有公共事务的高水平的情报，以及广泛的公民责任感。”2500926托克维尔在对美国民主的考察中发现正是美国的民情，即民主管理制度的经验和习惯、宗教自由思想和习俗这样一种强大的社会基础是民主扎根的条件2500927。利普塞特也继承了这一思路，赞同对民主制度的认同以及在民众中存在的民间组织和非正式的网络，以及建立在这一基础上并以此来表达的习俗和价值观念是为民主制度提供了方法和基础2500928。帕特南通过对意大利南部和北部城市社区社会资本（社会网络和社会信任的重要性）的实证研究指出，社会资本对民主发展具有积极作用2500929，从而揭示了公民素质与民主制度的关系。阿尔蒙德等人通过对五个民主国家——美国、英国、德国、意大利和墨西哥的公民政治态度和行为的比较研究中发现，“公民文化特别适合于民主政治系统，它不是民主政治文化仅有的形式，但它似乎是与稳定的、民主的系统最协调的形式。因此，考虑怎样会使公民文化代代相传是有益的”2500930。公民文化是一种忠诚的参与者文化，其最显著的特征是一种混合的性质，即对政府权威的忠诚和参与的混合，参与的积极性不至于损害政府的权威，存在着卷入和信仰，但它们是有节制的，存在着政治分歧，但它是受到制约的2500931。众多学者的经验研究表明政治民主化、法治化仅靠制度的设置并非自然获得，唯有依靠公民以下品质方能良性运行：公民应该认同政府权威，富有政治义务感和公共责任感，同时应该对公共政治生活保持适度的参与，在参与时秉着公共理性自我节制，在尊重他人同等权利和自由的前提下，理性协商，这是避免公共决策和政策制定遭受“多数人的暴政”的有效路径。换而言之，民主、法治制度的构建亟须公民的参与意识和权利意识、公共责任意识以及对政治权威的认同和服从意识，这些意识作为民主化、法治化成功的社会精神基础，能有效地驱动民主化和法治化的历史进程。

（三）中国政治民主化、法治化呼唤公民意识

社会主义国家是人民自己的政权，一切权力属于人民，人民民主是社会主义的生命，人民当家做主是社会主义民主政治的本质和核心。正是在这一价值指引下，党的十七大明确指出，扩大社会主义民主，更好保障人民权益和社会公平正义是实现全面建设小康社会奋斗目标的新要求。扩大公民有序参与，增加决策透明度，制定与群众利益密切相关的法律法规和公共政策，原则上要公开听取意见，使人民在基层实现公民权利是我国当前政治体制改革的重要内容。然而，不可否认的是政治民主化、法治化作为西方制度经验，移植到历史文化截然不同的中国时，如何才能避免遭遇“橘越淮而枳”的命运，这是中国民主化和法治化进程必须直面的现实问题。其中一个关键问题是，当制度目标一确立，急需支撑这一目标实现的精神力量——成熟的公民意识。然而，民主法治、自由平等、公平正义理念是否已成为我国社会成员的普遍信念？

当我们思考这一问题时，会发现众多有识之士关于中国人公民意识淡薄的思考确实针砭时弊，切中要害。由于公民意识并非仅借制度的设置即能自然获得，而与社会的历史经济状况、文化背景有着密切的关系，中国2000多年的封建专制制度及其政治文化形塑着中国人的“顺民”意识、“臣民”意识，体现在政治人格上表现为奴性、愚昧、虚伪、为我、怯懦等“臣民”特征，因而启蒙的任务就是要培养现代意义上的“公民”。虽然随着社会主义市场经济的发展，我国正经历由“身份社会”向“契约社会”转型，契约正在不断地取代身份成为社会关系的主导模式，与契约相伴随的权利意识、平等意识不断地增强。2007年，国家颁布了《物权法》之后，随之出现的几例轰动全国的私权维护事件表明了中国公民以私权维护为核心的权利意识的不断增强2500932。以网络为平台对公共事务的积极参与行为也折射出中国公民主体性和参与意识的增强，事实表明新的意识特质已经在中国人的观念中不断地萌芽和发展。但是，不可否认的是，公民意识是个多维度概念，并非仅指私权维护意识，当我们把探索的视角切入公民美德、公民义务、公民权利意识等维度时，会发现中国公民意识并未成熟。对我国村级民主运作的研究中发现，由于村民缺乏公民权利意识，公共责任意识淡化，不热衷参与民主选举和村庄事务决策，宗法关系和人情法则时时侵袭和破坏村民自治行为，使村民自治制度运行遭遇重重困境2500933；随处吐痰、践踏公共草坪、缺乏环保观念等缺乏公共卫生和公益观念的行为更是随处可见；对私权维护主要是基于个人私欲的市民式维权，而非基于公共美德的公益维权。公民意识的欠缺阻碍着中国民主化和法治化进程。正鉴于此，十七大报告强调指出：“加强公民意识教育，树立社会主义民主法治、自由平等、公平正义理念”，政治民主化、法治化进程呼唤公民意识。

总之，要改变中国人公民意识薄弱状态，必须要对中国人进行公民意识培育。但公民意识如何培育？要回答此一问题，首先要在理论上分析公民意识的实质是什么，构成其概念的内在维度有哪些？公民作为一个西方政治学概念在引入中国后与中国传统政治文化如何进行有效的衔接、融合，如何对当前的中国人评价其公民意识的高低？在社会转型期，如何培育中国人的公民意识和公民美德？这些问题都是事关中国民主化、法治化、现代化建设的成败，具有重大理论和现实意义的重点问题。本书正是试图回答以上问题，并在此基础上寻找公民教育的现实路径，为民主化、法治化建设提供精神动力。

二 公民意识理论研究综述

公民意识是民主、法治社会的内驱力，正因如此，公民意识课题一直以来备受政治学、法学、伦理学等学科瞩目，其成果可说是汗牛充栋。对这些成果的系统梳理，可以有助于公民意识课题的深入研究。

（一）公民意识、公民、公民身份的内涵

公民意识是一个跨学科的复杂概念，我国学界对公民意识内涵的理解经历了一个发展过程。初期对公民意识的理解主要从法学或伦理学学科视角，从公民的法律意识或公民道德意识入手。例如将公民意识理解为法律意识的一个组成部分2500934，这与我国法治建设对公民素质的要求紧密联系。自《公民道德建设实施纲要》颁布后，公民意识的内涵又被等同于公民道德意识，如“公民意识其实是在社会良好的公共生活和公共秩序中养成的公民品质，这种公民品质就是公民个人的道德”2500935。可见，公民意识作为一个学术范畴，一开始就与我国经济社会发展联系紧密，带有时代痕迹。然而，随着对公民、公民身份、宪政等理论的深入分析，我国学界对公民意识的理解更全面，更深入。多学科地理解公民意识，尤其从公民身份视角对公民意识内涵进行分析，拓宽了公民意识的内涵和外延。然而，到目前为止，公民意识内涵尚未取得一致认可，归纳起来看，主要有以下三种定义模式：一是从公民与国家关系角度进行界定。持这一定义模式的学者为数不少，朱学勤在《书斋里的革命》中解释说：“公民意识是近代宪政的产物，它有两层含义，当民众直接面对政府权力运作时，它是民众对于这一权力公共性质的认可及监督；当民众侧身面对公共领域时，它是对公共利益的自身维护和积极参与。”2500936此类定义强调两点，其一是公民对法律规定的国家成员的权利、义务的主观体认；其二是公民个体对自己在国家和社会中所处政治地位的现实感受和应有认识2500937。此类定义综合了法律学科和政治学科视角，是目前我国学界较为主流的理解。二是从人类的主体性发展，从公民意识与臣民意识的核心区分入手，认为公民意识是人类自由自主活动内在精神的自觉反映和要求，主要由“合理性意识”、“合法性意识”和“积极守法精神”构成2500938。三是从公民意识的内在结构对公民意识进行内涵界定，把公民意识看成是复杂的观念形态系统，有它自身内在联系的逻辑层次结构，有其核心内涵、具体内涵以及延伸内涵，而公民身份意识是其核心内涵2500939。由此可见，对公民意识内涵形成的共识则是公民意识是公民对公民身份所涉及的权利和义务的主观认同。

由于公民意识与公民、公民身份两个词联系密切，所以要厘清公民意识的内涵，须对公民和公民身份的内涵进行梳理。

根据伊格纳提夫的分析，西方传统中有两种主要的公民观念，一个是古典公民的理想，可以称之为共和主义的公民观念；另一个则是自由主义的公民观念。前者是从政治的角度，而后者是从经济的角度对人下定义2500940。共和主义公民观可追溯到亚里士多德，亚里士多德的公民就是适合统治别人同时也被别人统治的人2500941。而自由主义公民观据波考克的分析，则是源自罗马帝国，公民是指个人在社群中所占有的地位，所以“公民被重新定义为法律存在而非政治存在”2500942。

布赖恩·特纳则从词源学上考察了公民一词的含义，认为公民一词最早源于古代“civitas”，罗马时期演变为“civitatus”，原指能够进入城邦的成员，与治理具有相同的词根，意指城邦的治理者。这个词源学来源最终使法语cite演化成了citoyen，一个citoyen就是一个“市区居民、城市居民、自由国家居民和爱国者”2500943。伴随着意大利城市共和国的发展，在英语世界里，citizen被理解为享有公民权利的共和国公民。而且，在16世纪的英国，把公民局限于城市居民的观点非常普遍，公民就是城市中的自由民。卢梭批判性地审视了中世纪这一通行的理解，认为把公民和市民混为一谈是个错误。他从个人与共同体关系视角着手，指出作为主权权威的参与者就是公民，体现的是权利；作为国家法律服从者就是臣民，体现的是义务；作为公民结合者就是人民，人民是集体性概念。因而公民、臣民与人民这三个概念可以彼此通用2500944。在卢梭的理解中，公民与臣民是相互重合、两位一体的概念，既是政治生活中的权利主体，又是服从国家法律的义务主体，从而切合现代民族国家公民内涵。在现代民族国家，公民的内涵获得了明确的规范，成为法律概念，指的是具有某国国籍，依据该国法律规定享有权利和义务的人2500945。公民一词虽几经变迁，但从根本的意义上看，其涉及的是对在公共领域中“我是谁”、“我应该做什么”的回答2500946。公民只不过是他的称谓，公民身份才是他的本质2500947。

“公民身份”（Citizenship）作为一种古老而源远流长的政治制度实践，在漫长的历史变迁中，其内涵和外延几经演变，日渐成为一个复杂的、多维度的包容性概念。我国学界对citizenship的关注最近逐渐成为热点，对其内涵的研究主要在于如何准确地翻译citizenship一词，并把它表述为公民性、公民权、公民权利、公民责任等，而近来较多地表述为公民身份、公民资格等语词。郭台辉在检视了citizenship的内涵后，认为citizenship是一套涉及个体与共同体关系的价值体系及其制度规范，应该翻译为公民身份和公民资格两个汉语词汇来对应，但在具体语境中要考虑两者在汉语言中的差异。对目前西方英语学界对citizenship 的内涵界定进行了整合，认为主要有三种：①从现代民族国家的视野出发，把citizenship理解为国家成员的法律地位以及相应的权利义务关系。公民身份被认为是在现代民主实践中一个制度化了的过程2500948，是一组政治、经济和文化上的实践2500949。②从制度史和观念史的视野出发，把citizenship看成是使一个组织良好的社会得以延续的一套行为规范、价值体系以及随之而来的制度结构2500950。③进入20世纪90年代之后，其视角超越了个体与共同体的关系，出现了与社会性别、文化、生态、族群关系、世界主义等内容的关联，相应地新的表述environmental citizenship、cultural citizenship、global citizen-ship 等概念出现，丰富了自由主义、公民共和主义、参与共和主义传统以及拉克劳、墨菲的后现代多元主义传统的公民理解，并形成了多元化趋势2500951。著名学者T.H.马歇尔、R.本迪克思、L.达伦多夫、托马斯·雅诺斯基都是第一种观点的代表者。马歇尔写作的《公民身份与社会阶级》一书更是成为公民身份理论的标准教科书和学术经典，是占据主流地位的观点，马歇尔关于公民权利发展的思想不断地被学界发展，形成丰富成果。但此一视角更多关注在民族国家中，公民身份是怎样获得的，其权利和义务是如何发展的。所以要让公民身份理论与公民意识联结，还须引入雅诺斯基关于公民身份的三种定义。

托马斯·雅诺斯基综合了不同学科对公民身份定义的解读，并提炼出三种定义模式：①社会科学定义，从民族国家内的权利和义务的总的结构以及公民和国家之间的个人和群体的关系视角看，公民身份就如高尔斯顿所说是“大家分享和接受的一包好处和负担”，政治科学和社会学较多应用此一定义，既包括政治民主和社会权利，也包括法律规定的权利。②法律上的定义，即法律上规定的公民权利和义务，其典型定义就是普拉诺的“作为一国国民或归化成员之个人，应效忠于该国，而且有资格享受法律的保护和优惠”。雅诺斯基认为法律上的公民身份只保留了公民的被动权利，而没有延伸到政治民主和社会民主方面的主动权利，是狭隘的公民身份理论，主要侧重于外来移民及其归化方面。③道德规范上的定义，侧重于公民个人应有的态度和行为，关注的是如何培养好公民而在基本群体中发挥作用2500952。本书将运用社会科学公民身份含义分析公民意识实质，并从公民个人的态度和行为入手，运用道德规范上的定义，探讨如何培育民主法治社会的“好公民”。

由此可见，从学界对公民意识、公民和公民身份内涵的表述看，公民一词界定的是个体在政治共同体中的成员地位，关注焦点在于个体，强调的是公民与自然人的不同。公民身份一词侧重的是政治制度实践，是依据个体与共同体的关系变迁而变化的行为规范和价值体系，它是特定社会的管理工具，富有制度学意蕴。当然，公民的成员资格和权利、义务受公民身份制度的规定，因而两者具有密切联系。而公民意识则被认为是公民身份制度的主观体现，对公民身份意识，包括公民应该享受的权利和对国家应该履行义务的主观观念，这也是各种定义中都涉及的核心内涵。但总的来说，在对公民意识内涵的把握中，一般从现代民族国家公民身份制度视角理解公民意识内涵。然而，由于公民、公民身份制度并非是现代社会仅有概念，而是历史范畴，由此可以逻辑地引申出公民意识范畴的历史性。因而，要准确地、深刻地理解公民意识内涵，须返回公民身份制度的历史变迁中，透过公民身份制度的变迁逻辑地概括出公民意识的历史性和共同性，以把握公民意识的实质。

（二）公民意识内容构成

公民意识包含哪些品性，其核心特性是什么？在西方学界，自由主义者、共和主义、社群主义由于其政治哲学的立场分歧，对公民品性尤其是核心品性的论述自然众说纷纭。自由主义者持消极公民观，强调个人权利的优先性，主张通过正义的制度维持民主，治理国家，不支持公民的积极参与，相应地对公民品质的要求比较倾向于维持社会正义和个人权利以及维护自由竞争市场经济所需要的公民美德，包括礼貌、宽容、中庸（节制）、公正2500953。罗尔斯强调公民应当具备的美德是礼貌、容忍、合理性、公平感2500954。可见，在自由主义的哲学下，容忍是公民意识的核心特质。而权利则主要体现为马歇尔对公民权利三个维度的分析，杨对差异权利的阐述则发展了马歇尔的平等权利思想。与此相反，共和主义则主张参与是公民责任的核心品质，自亚里士多德起，就将是否参与公共事务作为界定公民身份的唯一标准2500955，卢梭强调通过参与形成公意和维护公意2500956，阿伦特强调参与政治本身具有重大价值，是公民优良生活的体现，是人的责任2500957。社群主义批判自由主义过分强调个人权利和个人自由会导致义务小化，而社会功能的发挥要靠相互支持和群体的努力，从而提出更为圆通的观点，在尊重个人权利和自由的前提下，须实现对公共善的承诺和义务，为了社群、社会和全民的权利和利益必须具备自我节制的美德，同时要参与公共政治生活，承担起对其他公民自由的责任2500958。

一些学者试图综合公民品性所涉及的所有道德内容，较有代表性的是威尔·凯姆利卡（Will Kymlicka）总结出的公民四种美德：“公共精神，包括评价政府工作人员表现的能力以及参与公共讨论的愿望；公正意识以及辨别并尊重他人权利从而缓和自我要求的能力；礼貌与宽容；团结与忠诚的共享意识。”2500959威廉·盖尔斯敦则从公民德行所涉及的范围，将公民德行分为四种：①一般德行：勇气、遵纪守法、忠诚；②社会德行：独立性、开放精神；③经济德行：职业伦理，暂缓自我满足的能力，对经济与技术变革的适应性；④政治德行：辨明并尊重他人权利的能力，评价公职人员表现的能力，从事公共讨论的意愿。并认为政治德行中质疑权威的能力及从事公共讨论的意愿，构成了自由主义德行理论最重要的特点2500960。盖尔斯敦强调，参与公共对话的德行是最重要的德行，莫西度将这一德行称为“公共合理性”，也就是说，公民的政治要求必须提出“理由”，不能只是陈述偏好或运用要挟的手段，并且这些理由是“公共的理由”，必须能说服不同的族裔或宗教团体。金里卡也认为这种公共合理性观念完全是当代独特的观念，而且也是当前最受瞩目的一个公民德行2500961。

我国学界从公民意识的心理和内容两个视角对公民意识进行结构分析。张积家等根据系统论的观点，对公民意识的心理结构进行了详细剖析，认为公民意识结构是一个多层次、多侧面和多维度的整体，公民意识既具有静态的结构，又具有动态的特征2500962。从公民意识结构的内容分析，有“三维结构”说，即权利意识、义务意识和平等意识2500963;“四维结构”说，即公民的主人翁意识（体现为权利意识）、义务意识、平等意识、法制观念2500964;“五维结构”说，即公民的爱国主义和民族自尊、自信、自强意识，自由、平等和主权与公平的意识，护宪守法意识，权利与义务意识，现代文化的心理素质2500965。蒋传光认为，公民意识除了上述所说之外，还应该包括规则意识，就是公民在对法律信仰、认同的基础上，积极主动、自觉地遵守和服从法律规则2500966等等。目前共识性的是公民意识是个有其内在特殊结构的观念系统，其构成的多元性决定了公民意识结构的复杂性。然而关于公民意识结构维度研究存在泛化倾向，即试图把事关人所必须具备的素质都囊括在内，例如现代科学文化素质被包括在内2500967。概念的泛化不利于科学界定公民意识的边界，也不利于公民意识教育实践，因而须科学界定公民意识的内容构成和核心要素。但这些研究主要是依靠学理分析，缺乏实证数据的支持，尤其是对公民意识结构的量化研究较为欠缺。

（三）公民意识测评指标编制与现状调查

要了解特定政治共同体现实公民意识状况，仅靠理性思辨或观察无法科学评定，需调查公民个体的态度、行为倾向，并依据相关调查指标评定公民意识状况。正因如此，西方学界存在问卷调查考察公民意识和政治态度的实证研究传统。阿尔蒙德、维巴等将抽样调查技术方法引入了比较政治文化的研究，而其研究成果《公民文化——五个国家的政治态度和民主制》堪称公民文化研究的经典之作。然而，由于他们对公民政治认知、情感、评价的项目设计主要是公民政治态度而非公民意识，且所有项目并没有建立在心理测量学基础上进行信度和效度检验，因而他们的调查项目并非公民意识的测量量表2500968。随着问卷调查在政治行为和态度中的应用，基于心理测量学原理对问卷项目进行信度、效度检验然后再运用于实证调研成为一种趋势。至今为止，西方已开发出了测量政治意识形态、经济价值观与不平等、民主价值观与政治容忍度、种族态度、党派行为以及政治参与的工具2500969。但这些测量工具都不是总体的公民意识结构量表，而是对公民意识中某一维度，例如政治效能感等的测量工具，主要有Campbell等人提出2500970，经Balch发展的测量政治效能感的量表2500971; Nie等对美国公民能力的调查和测量2500972等。西方国家用以测量公民政治效能感、公民参与、公民认同感、政治信任感等公民意识的指标对我们编制公民意识测量指标具有借鉴意义。然而，这些测量指标主要是针对西方个人主义文化和资本主义民主政治而设定的，中西方公民身份制度实践的差异使我们无法直接引用其测量项目，必须基于中国政治制度实践和传统文化，编制具有中国特色的测量指标。

在我国学界，随着中国民主化与法治化进程推进，对中国公民意识现状的研究不断成为学界关注的热点问题。随着社会转型与发展，有学者认为，中国公民意识正从觉醒走向崛起2500973，表现为纳税人意识显著增强，对私权的坦然接受和理性认可与坚定捍卫，主人翁意识的合理回归和法律意识的不断增强，尤其是网络催醒了中国公民以私权维护为核心的权利意识。但一个基本观点是学者们普遍认为中国人缺乏成熟的公民意识，尤其缺乏公民权利意识、参与意识以及公民身份意识2500974。

除依靠思辨和观察法对我国公民意识状况进行研究外，一些学者借鉴国外实证研究方法，对中国公民意识状况进行了调查。早期较有代表性的是张明澍，他对我国公民的政治价值观、政治知识、政治情感、政治参与和选举行为进行了调查研究，并比较了不同教育程度、职业、年龄，不同政治身份的中国政治人的政治意识2500975。近几年来，学者们结合中国实际，运用自编问卷对公民意识进行了广泛的社会调查研究，形成了丰富的研究成果：石亚军在广泛深入调研的基础上，对我国公民的人文素质现状作出深入的总体描述和客观评价，并有针对性地进行了定性和定量分析2500976。吴潜淘调查了当代中国公民的道德状况，包括公民道德总体状况进步的原因，公民对社会主义核心道德、基本原则认知状况2500977。严洁等通过全国性概率抽样调查，对公众的国家认同感、公民责任感、民主和自由意识，对政府工作的评价和期望以及公众的政治社会参与进行了调查2500978。2008年出版的《中国公民意识调查数据报告》一书基于全国样本具有不可否认的权威性，但数据报告的性质决定了其对公民意识没有进行深入分析2500979。Tang,W.F.立足于历史视角，运用不同时期的社会调查数据对中国城市居民的政治态度进行研究2500980。然而，该研究内容局限于改革的支持度、生活的满意度、政治效能感。

分析这些实证研究的结果，可以发现无法运用一个简单的综合指标来指称公民意识状况，而必须分维度地分析被调查对象的公民意识，但由于这些研究都用自编问卷实施调查，测量信度和效度未经检验，而且也无法科学地进行横向比较。所以，实证调查急需一个经过信度和效度检验的测量工具。

（四）中国人公民意识薄弱原因分析

“千差距，万差距，缺乏公民意识，是中国与先进国家最大的差距”，李慎之先生对中国公民意识现状的经典概括准确地描述了中国人公民意识水平，近年来一些实证研究也陆续地验证了中国公民在法律意识、公共责任感、权利意识、参与意识维度上都较为薄弱。接踵而至的问题是：中国人为何公民意识薄弱？我国学界主要从以下几个方面探讨中国人公民意识薄弱的原因：一是封建文化传统对国人公民意识的影响作用。正是传统的“官文化”、“人治思想”以及重人伦轻法律的思想传统导致公民权利意识淡薄2500981，宽松的政治环境和良好的市民文化氛围的缺乏是公民意识薄弱的重要原因2500982。二是从近代新文化运动和启蒙运动的缺陷入手，认为近代启蒙范围狭窄，启蒙思想流于浅表2500983，传统道德的影响、民族独立的任务以及对马克思主义的片面理解使知识分子背离了自由独立的精神2500984。三是从制度层面探讨。此为市场经济的不完善，公共领域的薄弱，社会生活各个领域的不完善，缺乏公民权利保障的完善的法律制度，缺乏公民表达意愿的充分渠道，缺乏有效地解决纠纷、冲突和矛盾的裁决机制2500985，制度的不完善导致了公民资格体系中各种权利的发育程度，进而体现为当前公民意识中存在的各种问题。四是从公民教育方面寻找原因。一些学者在对大学生进行公民意识调查时，指出学校课程设置中对公民教育的忽视是导致大学生公民意识薄弱的重要原因2500986。

（五）公民意识培育研究

美国哲学家盖尔斯敦认为，公民教育的目的在于陶冶社会成员的人格，使其能在所属的政治社群中，有效地实现个人的生命理想，并因此而强化和支持社群，所以公民教育不和其政治社群对立。而公民教育的有效基础则是共同拥有的一组政治制度和其所植基的原则2500987。而古德曼认为“有意识的社会再制”是最不具有争议的教育目标，所以公民教育就是要教育儿童，使他们拥有参与共同塑造其社会的能力2500988。可见，公民意识教育的目的显然在于通过培育社会成员的公民身份意识和公民品性，使之不仅能适应政治社群的需求，而且能促进自己的有效发展。

如何才能培育公民意识？自卢梭起，参与民主理论家密尔、卡罗尔·佩特曼等都认为公民参与公共生活，能够培育负责、宽容的公民意识2500989。美国强势民主理论家巴伯也认为公民参与能够培育公民意识，并且巴伯还开展了基于教育的社区服务项目，以践行参与能够培育公民意识的思想2500990。公民社会的理论家认为只有在公民社会的自愿性社团中，人们才能学会信任与合作，这些组织包括教会、家庭、工会、种族协会、合作社、环境组织、邻里协会、援助性团体、慈善组织等2500991。凯姆利卡认为不能仅靠公民社会中的市场、家庭或社团来传授公民美德，而承担此一职责的只能是学校。学校不是训练公民的唯一场所，甚至不是最重要的场所，但却是不可或缺的场所。其他机构只能补充而不能替代学校来提供对公民的教育2500992。由此可见，参与公共生活、社团生活，在学校中进行公民教育是培育公民意识的有效途径已得到西方学界认可。

我国学者在探讨培育公民意识的路径时，主要从以下方面论述：①制度建设。完善和发展市场领域，正确定位国家领域，大力推进依法治国、政治民主化建设。②努力培育公共领域，催发公民社会的形成2500993；其中乡村社区建设对公民意识的培育具有一定的作用，村民们在乡村社区建设中体现出公民主体精神和关注公共事务的公共精神2500994。③文化建设。冯留建分析了中国公民教育的文化阻滞力在于传统日常生活的深层结构的内在文化模式，表现为农业文明孕育下的以自然性、经验性、人情化为特征的文化模式，突破这种文化阻滞力是中国公民教育复兴面临的长期而艰巨的历史任务。而要突破这种文化模式，必然要求国家主导、社会推动、家庭参与、个人觉醒等合力担当，长期努力，方可取得成效。但至于如何开展，则无具体论述2500995。绍龙宝也认为构建公民人格应以马克思主义为指导，加强对公民人格的灵魂——理想、信仰与意义世界的建构，重视、开发优秀的文化传统，充分开掘利用中西方人格理论资源2500996。④网络舆论是培育公民意识的重要路径。网络的开放性为普通公民提供了话语权，但网络也具有观点的多元化、情绪化，把关的弱化等特点。所以要加强网络舆论的管理，以引导公民自律意识形成2500997。⑤一些学者探讨了公民教育的内容和具体措施。李治德以公民概念的内容范畴、公民在公民社会中的定位层面范畴和公民教育的内容范畴为坐标，系统建构了公民教育内容的理论框架2500998。赵黎明则从公民教育的发展过程、教育的实施机构、教育途径和教育效果四个方面论述了公民意识教育的要求2500999。秦树理在借鉴国外公民教育经验的基础上，提出设立“公民教育委员会”，统一协调指导全国公民教育；整合教育资源，构建公民教育平台2501000。戴健林探讨了青少年公民教育的社会心理基础，提出公民教育的合适方法就是根据个体认知发展的阶段特点来让他们获得相应的公民教育知识2501001。

当然，公民意识教育是个系统的社会工程，各种培育方式之间如何有效协调是不可忽视的重要问题。针对此一问题，董敏志认为培育公民精神需从以下三个方面着手：其一是思想启蒙和社会体制变革同步进行；其二是大众需求和精英主导互动推动；其三是公民精神诸要素间合乎逻辑顺序的建构。须从权利意识的生长入手促进规则意识的生长，再导向责任意识的觉醒既符合三者关系的内在逻辑，又符合现代公民精神的价值理念2501002。

综上所述，公民意识前期研究成果已非常丰富，为更进一步的深入研究提供了有益的借鉴。然而，从研究内容看，其一，我国学界对公民意识的理解主要从现代国家公民身份制度视角解释，缺乏对公民意识历时性和共时性的考察，从而影响了对公民意识概念丰富性和其基本规定的把握。其二，尽管公民意识是个多维度的概念已取得共识，但对各维度的深入探讨却不多，仅仅停留在较为表层的分析上。其三，在对我国公民意识现状的实证研究中，主要还是局限于描述性研究，对造成公民意识薄弱原因的分析还是停留于思辨层面，缺乏多变量因果关系的考察，尤其是缺乏体现中国文化和制度特色的公民意识影响因素的实证考察。其四，公民意识是高还是低需运用一定的测量指标方能验证，然而我国学界对公民意识的测量指标研究成果却较少。其五，在对公民意识培育路径的研究中，尽管学界已有一些成果，但较为零散，缺乏整合宏观视角和微观视角的系统分析。从研究方法看，或者只是对公民意识进行规范的理论分析，或者是做实证调查研究，结合两者对我国现阶段公民意识状况及其原因以及培育路径的思考较为鲜见。为此，本书结合规范研究和实证研究方法，试图以公民身份理论为视角，对公民意识的实质、构成进行理论剖析，并运用心理测量学原理，编制当代中国人公民意识测评指标，据此对中国人公民意识状况进行评价，以实证调查所获得数据和资料对影响我国公民意识状况的因素进行分析，最后提出我国公民意识的培育路径。

三 研究方法的选择和研究数据的收集与处理

公民意识是个庞杂的研究主题，长期以来，在社会科学研究中，方法和视角的创新往往会带来结果的创新。从公民意识研究课题看，一直存在两种相互补充的研究路径，即规范研究和实证研究。我国学界对公民意识的研究主要还是走规范研究的路径较多，尽管规范研究成果丰富，但只是停留在学理分析层面，对我国公民意识现状的研究还须实证科学的验证。当然，运用问卷调查对公民意识进行实证研究成果也不少，特别是近两年来，对我国公民意识进行大型社会调查的成果不断涌现，但总的来说，公民意识的问卷调查项目大都缺乏信度和效度检验，尤其缺乏一套公民意识测评指标体系。而对公民意识影响因素的分析大都是对个人背景因素，例如性别、年龄、教育程度、户口等定量研究较多，结合定量和定性方法对公民意识培育方式进行系统分析的较为鲜见。为此，本书力图整合规范研究和实证研究的优势，在研究方法上进行创新，立足于交叉学科，运用心理测量学测量技术，立足于政治学、法学关于公民身份、公民权利和义务理论，对公民意识测量、评价与培育机制进行探讨，以为推动公民意识研究课题尽绵薄之力。

（一）研究方法

1.文本阅读法

本书的文本阅读法主要通过对古希腊、罗马以及中世纪、近现代与公民身份制度相关的代表性历史文献的阅读，考察、概括公民意识在历史过程中的演变，并归纳出公民意识的历史发展阶段及其特点。在此基础上，通过阅读政治哲学、法学关于公民身份、公民意识的经典文本，思考大师们对公民身份、公民意识的阐释，并从经典中汲取智慧，以此分析、归纳出公民意识的实质。

其次，利用丰富的网络资源，收集关于公民身份、公民意识测评和影响机制、培育方式的相关文献，通过整理和分析相关文献，为本书的公民意识及各维度的测量指标、影响因素和培育方式研究提供理论依据。

2.访谈法

本书的访谈法主要运用在对公民意识结构的研究上，通过小规模的结构访谈，初步确定公民意识的调查问卷。访谈遵循有序的步骤进行，即事先拟好访谈提纲，选择合适对象，完整地记录访谈过程和加以整理。

3.问卷调查法

问卷调查法是本书获取“公民意识测评、状况”等研究数据的主要方法。主要分为调查问卷的设计、发放和回收，调查问卷数据的录入和分析等步骤。

（二）研究数据的收集与处理

1.研究数据的收集

本书的数据主要来源于以下三次社会调查：

第一次社会调查时间是2008年11月至2008年12月。该次调查的样本来源于浙江省金华市婺城区、金东区、义乌市小商品市场、兰溪市兰江镇抽取500人，共发放问卷500份，回收423份，问卷回收率为84.6%。本调查问卷是以李克特五点记分方式。为了保证答案的真实性和可信性，在项目设置上安排了正向题和反向题，回收的问卷若有以下两个问题者则作为废卷处理：一是答案选择呈现出规律性，在正向题和反向题的回答上自相矛盾；二是空白回答超过6题（本调查问卷题目较多，有147题）就视为作答不认真，为废卷。删除所有这些作答不认真的问卷后，最终得到有效问卷366份。这部分数据主要用于公民意识结构、法律意识结构、权利意识结构和公共责任感结构的探索性因素分析。

第二次社会调查的时间是2008年12月到2009年1月。调查问卷还是原来未经删除的问卷，被试从浙江省金华市白龙桥镇、东阳市南马镇、浦江市浦阳镇抽取450人，共发放问卷450份，回收402份，问卷回收率89.3%，依据上文所说的原则删除作答不认真的问卷，最终获得有效问卷351份。这部分数据主要用于验证性因素分析。

在第一、第二次回收的问卷中，尽管总体问卷的缺省值较少，但大多数的缺省值集中在回答政治效能感的项目中，例如“方针、政策由上面定，不必去议论，即使议论也没什么用”、“凡属政治问题都很复杂，公开讨论没有什么好处，容易引起思想混乱”、“即使中央领导也要接受群众监督”、“法律只是用来对付老百姓的，对当官的作用不大”等。尤其是来自东阳的200份问卷中2501003，与政治效能感、法治与人情、关系等项目有关的空白更多。而且在回收的问卷中，从有效数据的样本特征看，年龄50岁以上、受教育程度小学及以下人员较少。究其原因，可能首先是因为第一、第二次调查是委托街道、社区的相关人员发放，让被调查对象自行填写，由于本调查项目较多，有140多道题，排列较紧，字较小，给年龄较大者阅读和填写造成了困难；其次是在项目的设计上，虽然尽量通俗易懂，但不管如何，对于受教育程度较低的人（小学文化程度及以下的人）来说，自行理解有一定的困难；最后是因为受教育程度越低者、年龄越高者在回答政治效能感问题上更加谨慎，为了避免麻烦，选择不答。为了使样本更具有代表性，尤其是为了弥补50岁以上的样本，以及受教育程度较低者的样本，又进行了第三次调查。

第三次社会调查的时间是2009年1月到2009年2月。本次调查的问卷在探索性因素分析基础上对问卷进行修订，删除了在探索性因素分析中效度较低的项目，问卷调查项目缩减为107题。该次调查组织了浙江师范大学法政与公共管理学院学生，事先对学生进行了调查培训，让学生回家利用假期进行入户调查，对理解有困难的被试，口头解释，由被试选择，调查员填写。在样本选择上，提高了50岁以上以及文化层次较低者的比例，并考虑了职业、性别、年龄、城乡的比例，使样本具有更大的代表性。本次调查发放了500份问卷，加上第一和第二次的调查数据，一共回收了1202份问卷，回收率达到82.9%，剔除无效问卷，剩余有效问卷1076份。这部分数据主要用于公民参与意识和政治效能意识的研究。

本研究在运用数据时，并非每个研究都使用1076个数据，这是因为由于依据心理测量学原理，对意识结构和测量工具进行研究时，探索性因素分析和验证性因素分析所使用的不能是同一批数据，否则，测量项目就不具备信度和效度。而且，在第三次社会调查中，由于删除了一些项目，这些项目的删除是依据探索性因素分析得出，事先没有进行项目分析，所以在后期的分析中，为了使公民意识、法律意识、政治效能意识等项目测量更具有信度，在进行项目分析后再进一步进行探索性因素分析与直接进行探索性因素分析后留下的项目不同，只能使用第一和第二批数据，无法使用第三批数据。

2.研究对象的人口学分布和描述性统计

（1）第一批调查数据的整体人口学特征。男性占48.6%，女性占51.1%；农业户口占46.7%，非农业户口占51.6%；接受大专以上正规教育者占40.7%，接受中等教育者占55.5%，接受小学以下教育者占3.8%; 30岁以下占20.3%,31—40岁占54.6%,41—50岁占22.7%,50岁以上占1.9%；国家管理者阶层占7.7%，私营企业主占12.3%，经理人员与专业技术人员占21%，个体工商户占6.8%，办事人员占8.7%，产业工人占3.3%，服务业员工占19.7%，农业劳动者占10.1%，其他职业者占7.1%。（以上数据比例不足100%的为缺省值）

（2）第二批调查对象的整体人口学特征。男性占61.3%，女性占38.5%；农业户口占56.7%，非农业户口占43.3%；接受大专以上高等教育者占22.7%，接受中等教育者占67.2%，接受小学以下教育者占9.4%; 30岁以下占15.9%,31—40岁占13.1%,41—50岁占45.9%,50岁以上占11.1%；国家管理者占6.8%，私营企业主占10.3%，经理人员与专业技术人员占13.1%，个体工商户占9.4%，办事人员占7.7%，产业工人占11.4%，服务业员工占3.4%，农业劳动者占14.8%，其他职业者占15.7%，失业和半失业人员占5.4%。（以上数据比例不足100%的为缺省值）

（3）第一、第二、第三批总共获得的调查对象的人口学特征。研究对象的整体人口学特征为：男性605人，占56.2%，女性467人，占43.4%；农业户口527人，占49.5%，非农户口538人，占50.4%；接受大专以上高等教育者319人，占29.7%，接受高中（中专、职高）教育者为306人，占28.4%，接受初中及以下教育者447人，占41.5%;30岁以下137人，占12.7%,31—40岁407人，占37.8%,41—50岁306人，占28.4%,51—60岁133人，占12.3%,60岁以上87人，占8.1%；国家机关、党群组织、企事业单位负责人83人，占7.7%，私营企业主114人，占10.6%，经理人员34人，3.2%，专业技术人员157人，占14.6%，个体工商户82人，占7.6%，办事人员和有关人员90人，占8.3%，产业工人91人，占8.4%，服务业员工124人，占11.5%，农业劳动者140人，占13%，其他职业者86人，占8%，失业和半失业人员45人，占4.2%，未填答者26人，占2.4%；个人年均收入1万元以下者为195人，占18.1%,1万—2万元260人，占24.3%,2万—3万元190人，占17.8%,3万—5万元178人，占16.5%,5万—8万元86人，占8.1%,8万元以上93人。（以上数据比例不足100%的为缺省值）

从以上数据看，根据我国统计年鉴2007年人口普查的结果2501004，浙江省（6—64岁）男女比例分别为男50.95%，女49.05%，城镇人口与乡村人口的比例分别为57.2%、42.8%，与本书的样本结构较为接近。从年龄看，依据统计年鉴2007年普查结果，20—29岁的人口占20—65岁的人口比例为20.28%,30—39岁占26.38%,40—49岁占25.05%,50—59岁占21.63%,60—65岁占6.66%，虽然30以下和50岁以上的比率偏低，但能接受。但从受教育程度看，浙江省2007年人口普查（6—64岁）的数据显示，高中以上受教育程度为12.66%，大专以上受教育程度为8.5%，由此可见，本样本的受教育程度偏高，这主要是因为问卷调查要求被试具备一定的理解能力所致，也是本研究数据的缺陷所在。正如Melanie Manion正确地指出，“多变量关系研究的可靠性通常要高于描述性的单变量研究”2501005。虽然样本的受教育程度偏高，年龄结构不能代表总体的平均受教育程度和平均年龄。然而，只要是受教育程度变量和年龄变量呈现出从低到高的变化，它仍然可以用来测量受教育程度对公民意识的影响程度。

3.数据分析和处理

将有效问卷的原始数据录入电脑，分析方法包括描述性统计、方差分析、聚类分析、因子分析、相关分析、回归分析和结构方程分析。分析时交替使用SPSS 12.0和 LISREL 8.70两种分析软件。

总之，在本书的写作中，我们采取跨学科和多角度的方法，运用规范研究的方法对公民意识实质进行分析和归纳，运用实证方法对公民意识的调查指标和影响因素、现状进行调查研究，在此基础上提出现代公民意识培育路径。

I. Research Background and Origin (1) Political democratization and rule of law: The values of political civilization construction guide After the Second World War, the wave of democratization swept most countries in the world more rapidly, and today, more than 100 countries have chosen democracy. Political democratization and rule of law, and people's freedom and equality, as beautiful and noble ideals, are breaking through obstacles at every moment, showing an irresistible historical trend. Sooner or later, any country, any nation, will merge into this historical trend. It is precisely in line with this historical trend that the Communist Party of China has led the Chinese people to carry out the great reform of political democratization and rule of law guided by the values of democracy, rule of law, freedom and equality. Political democratization is people's democracy, the realization of people's autonomy, the people themselves rule themselves, manage themselves, and be masters of their own affairs in political life. Despotism confers the supreme power of society on the basis of inheritance or conquest, and the ruler's authority can wield his supreme power at will in disregard of the will of the governed, subjecting the members of society to their power and spiritual slavery, and the members of society can only act as subjects, without any personal freedom and equality. Democracy, on the other hand, clearly states that the supreme power in society belongs to the people, that the legitimacy of rule is based on the consent of the people, and that the government and its officials are merely agents authorized by the people and must perform their duties and exercise power in accordance with the common will of the people. And the general term of the people, as all members of society, is an abstract concept, in the concrete social life, the people manifest themselves as citizens, that is, formal members of society accepted in a given society according to the law. Since the degree of democracy is determined by participation - the degree to which members of society affected by policies participate in decision-making. Thus, the people's ownership is in fact embodied in the participation of citizens as members of society in social and political life by virtue of their citizenship. Citizens participate in the political life of the country, express their opinions and opinions, discuss and consult with other citizens on public affairs related to their own interests, gather into a social consensus, condense into the common goal of members of society, and rise to the goal of the state. In this process, because the national goal is formulated by the citizens themselves with the participation of discussion, consultation and consensus, it is an article of faith from the hearts of citizens, which not only provides a solid foundation for citizens' loyalty and unity, but also provides a guarantee for political and social unity, stability and development. Moreover, for individuals, since social goals are the result of their own personal participation, in this process, citizens' subjectivity is respected, freedom is guaranteed, intelligence is exercised, and personality equality becomes a consensus, thereby greatly stimulating their creativity and vitality and promoting people's self-development and perfection. It is for this reason that political democratization has become a universal value of political civilization. But the rule of law is required for the sound functioning of democratic institutions. The practice of democratic institutions shows that democracy without the rule of law will become disorderly democracy and lead to social unrest. Direct democracy in ancient Greece was criticized for its so-called "tyranny of the majority." Because Greek democracy is based on the will of the masses, the masses, when they are emotional and unregulated, tend to make stupid decisions and make decisions that harm society. It is in this sense that Rousseau profoundly pointed out that "public will" is not "public will". Studies on group judgment also show that group judgment is generally better than that of individuals, but that the judgment of the best members of the group tends to match or outperform the performance of the group 2500924. Moreover, pure democracy is always incompatible with "individual security or property rights", "they are generally short in life and die tragically"2500925, so democracy needs rational regulation. Law embodies the rationality of society, and it establishes a series of procedures and rules to protect the rights and freedoms of individuals and minorities, so that democracy is fruitful, and the rule of law has become the rational choice of modern democratic countries. Modern democracies establish the rules and procedures for citizen participation by establishing the limits of civil rights and state power. Citizens participate in the political life of the country, in elections, in management, in supervision and in decision-making in accordance with legal procedures. Once the democratic participation of the masses and the "public opinion" of the majority threaten the rights of individuals, threaten social stability and harmony, and affect the long-term interests of the country, the social elite corrects them in accordance with the law. Once power erodes rights, citizens can defend their rights in accordance with the law. The rule of law normalizes and makes democracy orderly. Therefore, establishing the concept of rule of law and improving the construction of the rule of law are the basic requirements of democratic politics, and the rule of law has become a value guide for the construction of social and political civilization. (2) Civic awareness: The internal driving force of political democratization and rule of law Any great social change needs the support of spiritual strength behind it, otherwise, legal rules and social systems will be illusory, and vigorous changes will also be bankrupt due to the lack of social psychological support. The success of political democratization and rule of law reform also requires the support of spiritual strength, and civic consciousness or citizens' mental habits is the spiritual condition for the success of democratic rule of law reform. "From Aristotle to Bryce, democratic theorists have emphasized that maintaining democracy requires active citizen participation in national affairs, a high level of intelligence in public affairs, and a broad sense of civic responsibility." 2500926 Tocqueville's investigation of American democracy found that it is precisely the American people's sentiments, that is, the experience and habits of democratic management systems, religious freedom ideas and customs, and such a strong social foundation are the conditions for democracy to take root 2500927. Lipset also inherited this line of thinking, endorsing that the identification with democracy and the existence of civil society organizations and informal networks among the population, as well as the customs and values that were based on and expressed in this way, provided the methods and foundations for democracy 2500928. Through an empirical study of social capital (the importance of social networks and social trust) in urban communities in southern and northern Italy, Patnam points out that social capital has a positive effect on democratic development, 2500929 thus revealing the relationship between civic quality and democratic institutions. Almond et al., through a comparative study of civic political attitudes and behaviors in five democracies—the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Italy, and Mexico—found that "civic culture is particularly suited to democratic political systems, and it is not the only form of democratic political culture, but it seems to be the form most harmonious with stable, democratic systems." It is therefore useful to consider how civic culture can be passed on from generation to generation"2500930. Civic culture is a culture of loyal participants, the most striking feature of which is a mixed nature, that is, a mixture of loyalty to government authority and participation, the enthusiasm of participation does not undermine the authority of government, there are involvement and beliefs, but they are restrained, there are political differences, but it is a 2500931 that is checked. The empirical research of many scholars has shown that political democratization and rule of law are not obtained naturally by relying only on the setting of institutions, and can only operate benignly by relying on the following qualities of citizens: citizens should identify with the authority of the government, have a sense of political obligation and public responsibility, and at the same time should maintain moderate participation in public political life, uphold public rational self-restraint when participating, and rational consultation on the premise of respecting the equal rights and freedoms of others, which is an effective way to avoid public decision-making and policy making from suffering from the "tyranny of the majority". In other words, the construction of democracy and rule of law system urgently requires citizens' awareness of participation and rights, public responsibility, and recognition and obedience to political authority, which as the spiritual foundation of successful democratization and rule of law, can effectively drive the historical process of democratization and rule of law. (3) China's political democratization and rule of law call for citizen consciousness that the socialist state is the people's own political power, all power belongs to the people, people's democracy is the life of socialism, and the people's mastery is the essence and core of socialist democratic politics. It is under the guidance of this value that the 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of China clearly pointed out that expanding socialist democracy, better protecting the rights and interests of the people and social fairness and justice are new requirements for achieving the goal of building a moderately prosperous society in an all-round way. Expanding the orderly participation of citizens, increasing the transparency of decision-making, formulating laws, regulations and public policies closely related to the interests of the masses, and in principle, openly listening to opinions, so that the people can realize citizens' rights at the grassroots level are important contents of China's current political system reform. However, it is undeniable that when political democratization and rule of law, as Western institutional experiences, are transplanted to China, which has a completely different history and culture, how to avoid encountering the fate of "orange and cloud", is a practical problem that must be faced in the process of China's democratization and rule of law. One of the key issues is that, once the institutional goal is established, there is an urgent need for the spiritual strength that underpins the achievement of that goal—a mature sense of citizenship. However, have the concepts of democracy, rule of law, freedom, equality, fairness and justice become the universal beliefs of members of our society? When we think about this issue, we will find that the thinking of many people of insight about the weak sense of citizenship of Chinese is indeed to the point. Since civic consciousness is not only obtained naturally through the setting of the system, but is closely related to the historical and economic situation and cultural background of society, China's feudal autocracy and its political culture for more than 2,000 years have shaped the Chinese's "submissive people" consciousness and "subject" consciousness, which is reflected in the political personality manifested as servile, ignorant, hypocritical, self-serving, cowardly and other "subject" characteristics, so the task of enlightenment is to cultivate "citizens" in the modern sense. Although with the development of the socialist market economy, China is experiencing the transformation from an "identity society" to a "contract society", contract is constantly replacing identity as the dominant mode of social relations, and the awareness of rights and equality accompanying contracts is constantly increasing. After the promulgation of the Property Law in 2007, several subsequent incidents of private rights protection that caused a sensation throughout the country showed the growing 2500932 awareness of Chinese citizens' rights with private rights protection as the core. The active participation in public affairs using the Internet as a platform also reflects the enhancement of Chinese citizens' subjectivity and participation awareness, and facts show that new ideological traits have been continuously germinating and developing in the Chinese concept. However, it is undeniable that civic consciousness is a multi-dimensional concept, not only refers to the consciousness of private rights maintenance, when we cut the perspective of exploration into the dimensions of civic virtue, civic duty, and civil rights awareness, we will find that China's civic consciousness is not mature. The study of village-level democratic operation in China shows that due to the lack of awareness of citizens' rights, the weakening of the sense of public responsibility, and their lack of enthusiasm for participating in democratic elections and decision-making on village affairs, patriarchal relations and the law of human favor often invade and undermine villagers' self-government, which makes the operation of the villagers' self-government system encounter many difficulties and 2500933. Behaviors that lack public health and public welfare concepts, such as spitting everywhere, trampling on public lawns, and lacking environmental protection concepts, can be seen everywhere; The protection of private rights is mainly based on the protection of citizens' rights based on personal selfish desires, rather than the protection of public welfare rights based on public virtues. The lack of civic awareness hinders the process of democratization and rule of law in China. In view of this, the report of the 17th National Congress emphasized that "strengthen civic awareness education and establish the concepts of socialist democracy and rule of law, freedom and equality, fairness and justice", and the process of political democratization and rule of law calls for civic awareness. In short, in order to change the weak state of Chinese civic awareness, it is necessary to cultivate the civic awareness of Chinese. But how can citizenship be fostered? To answer this question, we must first theoretically analyze what is the essence of civic consciousness and what are the internal dimensions that make up its concept. After the introduction of a Western political science concept into China, how can citizens effectively connect and integrate with China's traditional political culture, and how to evaluate the current Chinese its civic awareness? How to cultivate Chinese civic awareness and civic virtues in a period of social transition? These are all key issues of great theoretical and practical significance that have a bearing on the success or failure of China's democratization, rule of law, and modernization. This book attempts to answer the above questions, and on this basis, find a realistic path of civic education, and provide spiritual impetus for the construction of democratization and rule of law. II. Citizen Consciousness Theory Research Review Civic consciousness is the internal driving force of democracy and rule of law society, which is why the topic of civic consciousness has always attracted the attention of political science, law, ethics and other disciplines, and its results can be said to be full of sweat. A systematic review of these achievements can contribute to the in-depth study of civic awareness. (1) The connotation of civic consciousness, citizenship and citizenship Citizen awareness is an interdisciplinary and complex concept, and the understanding of the connotation of civic consciousness in Chinese academic circles has undergone a development process. The initial understanding of civic consciousness mainly starts from the perspective of legal or ethical disciplines, starting from citizens' legal awareness or civic moral awareness. For example, understanding civic awareness as an integral part of legal awareness 2500934 closely related to the requirements of China's rule of law construction for the quality of citizens. Since the promulgation of the Implementation Outline for the Construction of Civic Morality, the connotation of civic consciousness has been equated with civic moral awareness, such as "civic consciousness is actually a civic quality cultivated in good public life and public order in society, and this civic quality is the morality of individual citizens"2500935. It can be seen that civic consciousness, as an academic category, has been closely related to China's economic and social development from the beginning, with traces of the times. However, with the in-depth analysis of theories such as citizenship, citizenship, and constitutionalism, China's academic circles have a more comprehensive and in-depth understanding of civic consciousness. The multidisciplinary understanding of civic consciousness, especially the analysis of the connotation of civic consciousness from the perspective of citizenship, broadens the connotation and extension of civic awareness. However, so far, the connotation of civic consciousness has not been unanimously recognized, and to sum up, there are mainly the following three definition models: First, it is defined from the perspective of the relationship between citizens and the state. Zhu Xueqin explained in "The Revolution in Shuzhai": "Civic consciousness is a product of modern constitutionalism, which has two meanings, when the people directly face the operation of government power, it is the public's recognition and supervision of the public nature of this power; When the people face the public sphere sideways, it is self-sustaining and actively participating in the public interest. "2500936 such definitions emphasize two points, one is citizens' subjective perception of the rights and obligations of state members under the law; The second is the actual feelings and due understanding of individual citizens about their political status in the country and society 2500937. This kind of definition integrates the perspectives of legal discipline and political discipline, and is currently the mainstream understanding of Chinese academic circles. Second, starting from the development of human subjectivity and the core distinction between civic consciousness and subject consciousness, it is believed that civic consciousness is a conscious reflection and requirement of the inner spirit of human free and autonomous activities, which is mainly composed of "rationality awareness", "legitimacy awareness" and "active law-abiding spirit" composed of 2500938. The third is to define the connotation of civic consciousness from the internal structure of civic consciousness, and regard civic consciousness as a complex conceptual form system, with its own internal relationship logical hierarchy, its core connotation, specific connotation and extended connotation, and citizenship consciousness is its core connotation 2500939. It can be seen that the consensus formed on the connotation of civic consciousness is that civic consciousness is citizens' subjective identification with the rights and obligations involved in citizenship. Since civic consciousness is closely related to the words citizenship and citizenship, in order to clarify the connotation of civic consciousness, it is necessary to sort out the connotations of citizenship and citizenship. According to Ignatieff's analysis, there are two main conceptions of citizenship in the Western tradition, one is the ideal of classical citizenship, which can be called republican civic concept; The other is the liberal concept of citizenship. The former defines people from a political point of view, while the latter defines people from an economic 2500940 point of view. The republican view of citizenship can be traced back to Aristotle, whose citizens are people who are fit to rule others and at the same time 2500941 ruled by others. The liberal view of citizenship, according to Pocock's analysis, is derived from the Roman Empire, and citizenship refers to the position occupied by individuals in the community, so "citizenship is redefined as a legal existence rather than a political existence"2500942. Brian Turner etymological examination of the meaning of the word citizen, arguing that the word citizen originated from the ancient "civitas", and evolved into "civitatus" in the Roman period, originally referring to members who can enter the city-state, and has the same root as governance, meaning the ruler of the city-state. Etymological origins eventually led to the evolution of the French cite into citoyen, a citoyen as a "dweller of the city, dweller of the city, resident of the free country, and patriot" 2500943. With the development of the Italian urban republic, in the English-speaking world, citizen was understood as a citizen of the republic with civil rights. Moreover, in 16th-century England, the idea of limiting citizens to city dwellers was very common, and citizens were free people in the city. Rousseau critically examined this prevailing understanding in the Middle Ages, arguing that it was a mistake to confuse citizens with burghers. He started from the perspective of the relationship between the individual and the community, pointing out that the participants in the sovereign authority are citizens, which embody rights; As a subject of the laws of the state, it is a subject, and it embodies an obligation; As a citizen, the union is the people, and the people are the collective concept. Thus, the three concepts of citizen, subject and people can be 2500944 interchangeably. In Rousseau's understanding, citizens and subjects are overlapping and two-in-one concepts, which are not only the subjects of rights in political life, but also the subjects of obligations to obey the laws of the state, thus conforming to the connotation of citizenship of the modern nation-state. In the modern nation-state, the meaning of citizenship has acquired a clear norm and has become a legal concept, which refers to the 2500945 of persons who have the nationality of a certain country and enjoy rights and obligations under the laws of that country. Although the term citizen has changed several times, it is fundamentally about answering the question "who I am" and "what should I do" in the public sphere 2500946 Citizenship is nothing more than his title, citizenship is his essential 2500947. As an ancient and long-standing political system practice, "citizenship" has evolved its connotation and extension several times in the long historical changes, and has increasingly become a complex and multi-dimensional inclusive concept. The focus on citizenship in China's academic circles has gradually become a hot spot, and the research on its connotation mainly lies in how to accurately translate the word citizenship, and express it as citizenship, citizenship, civil rights, civic responsibility, etc., and recently more expressed as terms such as citizenship and citizenship. After examining the connotation of citizenship, Gou Taihui believes that citizenship is a set of value systems and institutional norms involving the relationship between individuals and communities, which should be translated into the two Chinese words of citizenship and citizenship, but the differences between the two in the Chinese language should be considered in the specific context. The current definition of citizenship in Western English-speaking scholars is integrated, and it is believed that there are three main types: (1) From the perspective of modern nation-states, citizenship is understood as the legal status of state members and the corresponding rights and obligations relationship. Citizenship is considered to be an institutionalized process 2500948 modern democratic practice, a set of political, economic, and cultural 2500949. (2) From the perspective of institutional history and conceptual history, citizenship is seen as a set of behavioral norms, value systems, and consequent institutional structures that perpetuate a well-organized society 2500950. (3) After entering the 90s of the 20th century, its perspective transcended the relationship between the individual and the community, and the relationship with gender, culture, ecology, ethnic relations, cosmopolitanism and other contents appeared, and correspondingly new expressions of environmental citizenship, cultural citizenship, global citizen-ship and other concepts emerged, enriching the liberalism, civic republicanism, participatory republicanism tradition, and Laclau, Murphy's postmodern pluralism tradition is a civic understanding and has formed a pluralism trend 2500951. Famous scholars T. H. Marshall, R. Bendix, L. Dahrendorff, and Thomas Janowski are all representatives of the first view. Marshall's book "Citizenship and Social Class" has become a standard textbook and academic classic of citizenship theory, and it is a mainstream viewpoint, and Marshall's ideas on the development of civil rights have been continuously developed by the academic circles and formed rich results. But this perspective focuses more on how citizenship is obtained and how its rights and obligations develop in a nation-state. Therefore, in order to connect the theory of citizenship with civic consciousness, it is necessary to introduce Janosky's three definitions of citizenship. Thomas Janowski synthesized the interpretation of the definition of citizenship by different disciplines and extracted three definition models: (1) Social science definition, from the perspective of the general structure of rights and obligations within the nation-state and the relationship between citizens and the state between individuals and groups, citizenship is, as Galston said, "a package of benefits and burdens shared and accepted by everyone", political science and sociology apply this definition more often, including both political democracy and social rights, as well as rights prescribed by law. (2) The legal definition, i.e. the rights and duties of citizens under law, is typically defined as Prano's "an individual who is a national or naturalized member of a State and shall be loyal to that State and entitled to the protection and privileges of the law". Janowski argues that legal citizenship only preserves the passive rights of citizens, without extending to active rights in political democracy and social democracy, and is a narrow theory of citizenship that focuses mainly on immigrants and their naturalization. (3) The definition of morality focuses on the attitudes and behaviors that individual citizens should have, and focuses on how to cultivate good citizens and play a role in basic groups 2500952. This book will use the meaning of citizenship in social science to analyze the essence of civic consciousness, start from the attitudes and behaviors of individual citizens, and use the definition of moral norms to explore how to cultivate "good citizens" in a democratic society ruled by law. It can be seen from the academic expression of civic consciousness, citizenship and citizenship connotations, the word citizen defines the membership status of individuals in the political community, focuses on individuals, and emphasizes the difference between citizens and natural persons. The term citizenship focuses on the practice of political system, the behavioral norms and value systems that change according to the changes in the relationship between individuals and communities, and it is a management tool for a specific society and has institutional implications. Of course, the membership and rights and obligations of citizens are regulated by the citizenship system, so the two are closely linked. Citizenship consciousness is considered to be the subjective embodiment of the citizenship system, and the consciousness of citizenship, including the rights that citizens should enjoy and the subjective concept that the state should fulfill their obligations, is also the core connotation involved in various definitions. But in general, in the grasp of the connotation of civic consciousness, the connotation of civic consciousness is generally understood from the perspective of the modern nation-state citizenship system. However, since the citizenship and citizenship system is not a concept in modern society, but a historical category, the historicity of the category of civic consciousness can be logically derived. Therefore, in order to accurately and deeply understand the connotation of civic consciousness, it is necessary to return to the historical changes of the citizenship system, and logically summarize the historicity and commonality of civic consciousness through the changes of the citizenship system, so as to grasp the essence of civic consciousness. (2) What qualities does civic consciousness constitute, and what are its core characteristics? In Western academic circles, liberals, republicans, and communitarians naturally have different opinions on civic character, especially core character, due to their divergent positions in political philosophy. Liberals hold a negative view of citizenship, emphasize the priority of individual rights, advocate the maintenance of democracy and governance through a just system, and do not support the active participation of citizens, and correspondingly the requirements for citizen qualities are more inclined to maintain social justice and individual rights and maintain the civic virtues required for a free and competitive market economy, including courtesy, tolerance, moderation (moderation), fairness and 2500953. Rawls emphasized that the virtues that citizens should possess are courtesy, tolerance, reasonableness, and a sense of fairness 2500954. It can be seen that under the philosophy of liberalism, tolerance is the core trait of civic consciousness. Rights are mainly embodied in Marshall's analysis of the three dimensions of civil rights, and Yang's exposition of differential rights develops Marshall's idea of equal rights. In contrast, republicanism advocates that participation is the core quality of civic responsibility, and since Aristotle, participation in public affairs has been regarded as the only criterion for defining citizenship 2500955 Rousseau emphasized the formation and maintenance of public 2500956 will through participation, Arendt emphasized that participation in politics itself has great value, is the embodiment of the good life of citizens, and is the 2500957 of human responsibility. Communitarianism criticizes liberalism's excessive emphasis on individual rights and individual freedoms, which leads to the minimization of obligations, and the functioning of society depends on mutual support and group efforts, thus putting forward a more rounded view, under the premise of respecting individual rights and freedoms, it is necessary to realize the promise and obligation of the public good, and for the rights and interests of the community, society and the whole people, it is necessary to have the virtue of self-control, and at the same time participate in public political life and assume the responsibility 2500958 other civil liberties. Some scholars have attempted to synthesize all the moral aspects of civic character, most notably Will Kymlicka's summary of the four virtues of citizenship: "Public spirit, including the ability to evaluate the performance of government workers and the desire to participate in public discussion; a sense of impartiality and the ability to discern and respect the rights of others and thus ease self-demands; courtesy and tolerance; A shared sense of unity and loyalty. 2500959 William Galestown divides civic virtue into four types from the scope of civic virtue: (1) general virtue: courage, law-abiding, loyalty; (2) Social virtues: independence, openness; (3) Economic virtue: professional ethics, the ability to suspend self-satisfaction, adaptability to economic and technological changes; (4) Political virtues: the ability to identify and respect the rights of others, the ability to evaluate the performance of public officials, and the willingness to engage in public discussion. He also argues that the ability to question authority and the willingness to engage in public discussion in political virtue constitute 2500960 most important features of liberal virtue theory. Galestown emphasized that the virtue of engaging in public dialogue is the most important virtue, which Mosidu calls "public rationality," meaning that citizens' political demands must be "justified," not merely stated preferences or blackmailed, and these reasons must be "public reasons" that persuade different ethnic or religious groups. Gingrika also believes that this concept of public rationality is completely unique to the times, and it is also one of the most high-profile civic virtue 2500961 today. Chinese academic circles analyze the structure of civic consciousness from the two perspectives of psychology and content. Zhang Jijia et al. analyzed the psychological structure of civic consciousness in detail from the perspective of system theory, and believed that the structure of civic consciousness is a multi-level, multi-faceted and multi-dimensional whole, and civic consciousness has both static structure and dynamic characteristic 2500962. From the content analysis of the structure of civic consciousness, there is a "three-dimensional structure", that is, the awareness of rights, obligations and equality 2500963; The "four-dimensional structure" says, that is, citizens' sense of ownership (embodied in the consciousness of rights), the sense of obligations, the awareness of equality, and the concept of the legal system 2500964; The "five-dimensional structure" says that citizens' patriotism and national self-respect, self-confidence and self-improvement awareness, freedom, equality, sovereignty and fairness, constitution-abiding awareness, rights and obligations, and the psychological quality of modern culture 2500965. Jiang Chuanguang believes that in addition to the above, civic consciousness should also include rule awareness, that is, citizens actively and consciously abide by and obey legal rules on the basis of their belief in and identification with the law 2500966 and so on. At present, the consensus is that civic consciousness is a conceptual system with its own inherent special structure, and the plurality of its composition determines the complexity of the structure of civic consciousness. However, there is a tendency to generalize the study of the structural dimension of civic consciousness, that is, to try to include all the qualities that must be possessed by people, such as modern scientific and cultural qual 2500967 ities. The generalization of concepts is not conducive to scientifically defining the boundaries of civic consciousness and the practice of civic awareness education, so it is necessary to scientifically define the content composition and core elements of civic awareness. However, these studies mainly rely on academic analysis and lack empirical data support, especially quantitative research on the structure of civic consciousness. (3) The compilation of indicators for assessing civic awareness and the investigation of the current situation should understand the actual state of civic awareness of a specific political community, and cannot be scientifically assessed by rational reasoning or observation alone, and it is necessary to investigate the attitudes and behavioral tendencies of individual citizens, and assess the status of civic awareness based on relevant survey indicators. For this reason, there is an empirical research tradition in Western academia that examines civic consciousness and political attitudes. Almond, Wiba and others introduced the sampling survey technique into the study of comparative political culture, and their research result "Civic Culture - Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Countries" can be called a classic work of citizen culture research. However, because their programs designed for civic political cognition, emotion, and evaluation were mainly civic political attitudes rather than civic consciousness, and all programs were not based on psychometrics for reliability and validity testing, their survey items were not 2500968 of the citizenship measurement scale. With the application of questionnaire surveys in political behavior and attitudes, it has become a trend to test the reliability and validity of questionnaire items based on psychometric principles and then apply them to empirical research. To date, the West has developed tools 2500969 to measure political ideology, economic values and inequality, democratic values and political tolerance, racial attitudes, partisan behavior, and political participation. However, these measurement tools are not the overall civic consciousness structure scale, but the measurement tools for a certain dimension of civic consciousness, such as political efficacy, mainly 2500970 proposed by Campbell and others, and the scale developed by Balch to measure political efficacy 2500971; NIE et al. Survey and measurement 2500972 of American civic capacity, etc. The indicators used by Western countries to measure citizens' political efficacy, citizen participation, civic identity, political trust and other civic awareness indicators have reference significance for us to compile citizen awareness measurement indicators. However, these measurement indicators are mainly set for Western individualist culture and capitalist democratic politics, and the differences between the practice of Chinese and Western citizenship systems make it impossible for us to directly cite their measurement items, and we must compile measurement indicators with Chinese characteristics based on the practice of Chinese political system and traditional culture. In China's academic circles, with the advancement of China's democratization and rule of law, the study of the current situation of Chinese civic awareness has continuously become a hot issue in academic circles. With the transformation and development of society, some scholars believe that China's civic consciousness is moving from awakening to rising 2500973, which is manifested in the significant enhancement of taxpayers' awareness, the calm acceptance of private rights and rational recognition and firm defense, the reasonable return of the sense of ownership and the continuous enhancement of legal awareness, especially the Internet has awakened the awareness of Chinese citizens' rights with the protection of private rights as the core. However, a basic view is that scholars generally believe that Chinese lacks a mature sense of citizenship, especially the awareness of citizenship, participation and 2500974 citizenship. In addition to relying on speculation and observation methods to study the state of civic consciousness in China, some scholars have drawn on foreign empirical research methods to investigate the situation of citizenship awareness in China. Zhang Mingshu, who conducted research on the political values, political knowledge, political emotions, political participation and electoral behavior of Chinese citizens, and compared the political consciousness 2500975 of Chinese politicians with different education levels, occupations, ages, and political identities. In recent years, scholars have conducted extensive social investigation and research on civic consciousness using self-compiled questionnaires in combination with China's actual conditions, and have formed rich research results: Shi Yajun made an in-depth overall description and objective evaluation of the current situation of the humanistic quality of Chinese citizens on the basis of extensive and in-depth research, and carried out qualitative and quantitative analysis and 2500976 in a targeted manner. Wu Qiantao investigated the moral situation of contemporary Chinese citizens, including the reasons for the overall progress of citizens' morality, and the 2500977 citizens' understanding of the core morality and basic principles of socialism. Through a national probability sampling survey, Yan Jie et al. investigated the public's sense of national identity, civic responsibility, democracy and freedom, the evaluation and expectation of government work, and the public's political and social participation 2500978. The 2008 book "China Citizenship Awareness Survey Data Report" is undeniably authoritative based on a national sample, but the nature of the data report determines that it does not have an in-depth analysis of civic awareness 2500979. Tang, W.F. uses social survey data from different periods to study the political attitudes of urban Chinese residents from a historical perspective 2500980. However, the research is limited to support for reform, life satisfaction, and political efficacy. Analyzing the results of these empirical studies, it can be found that it is impossible to use a simple comprehensive indicator to refer to the status of civic awareness, but it is necessary to analyze the citizenship of the respondents in different dimensions, but because these studies are conducted with self-compiled questionnaires, the reliability and validity of the measurement are not tested, and it is impossible to scientifically compare them horizontally. Therefore, empirical investigation urgently needs a measurement tool that has been tested for reliability and validity. (4) Analysis of the reasons for the weakness of Chinese civic awareness", "a thousand gaps, ten thousand gaps, lack of civic awareness is the biggest gap between China and advanced countries", Mr. Li Shenzhi's classic summary of the current situation of Chinese civic awareness accurately describes the level of Chinese civic awareness, and some empirical studies in recent years have successively verified that Chinese citizens are relatively weak in the dimensions of legal awareness, public responsibility, rights awareness and participation awareness. The ensuing question is: Why is civic awareness weak in Chinese? Chinese academic circles mainly discuss the reasons for the weak sense of citizenship in Chinese from the following aspects: First, the influence of feudal cultural traditions on the civic consciousness of the Chinese people. It is precisely the traditional "official culture", "the ideology of rule by man" and the ideological tradition of emphasizing human ethics over law that lead to the weak awareness of civil rights 2500981, and the lack of a relaxed political environment and a good civic cultural atmosphere is 2500982 important reason for the weak sense of citizenship. Second, starting from the shortcomings of the modern new cultural movement and the enlightenment movement, it is believed that the scope of modern enlightenment is narrow, the enlightenment thought is superficial, 2500983 and the influence of traditional morality, the task of national independence, and the one-sided understanding of Marxism have made intellectuals deviate from the spiritual 2500984 of freedom and independence. The third is to discuss from the institutional level. This is the imperfection of the market economy, the weakness of the public sphere, the imperfection of all fields of social life, the lack of a perfect legal system for the protection of citizens' rights, the lack of sufficient channels for citizens to express their will, the lack of an adjudication mechanism to effectively resolve disputes, conflicts and contradictions, 2500985 and the imperfection of the system has led to the degree of development of various rights in the citizenship system, which in turn is reflected in various problems in the current civic consciousness. The fourth is to look for reasons in terms of civic education. When surveying college students' civic awareness, some scholars pointed out that the neglect of civic education in school curricula is an important reason for the weak civic awareness of college students 2500986. The American philosopher Gaylstown believes that the purpose of civic education is to cultivate the personality of members of society, so that they can effectively realize their life ideals in the political community to which they belong, and thus strengthen and support the community, so civic education is not opposed to their political community. The effective basis of civic education is a shared set of political systems and the principles on which they are based 2500987. Goodman argues that "conscious social reconstruction" is the least controversial educational goal, so civic education is about educating children with the ability to participate in shaping their societies together 2500988. It can be seen that the purpose of civic awareness education is clearly to cultivate the sense of citizenship and citizenship of members of society, so that they can not only adapt to the needs of the political community, but also promote their own effective development. How can a sense of citizenship be fostered? Since Rousseau, participatory democratic theorists such as Mill and Carol Pettman have believed that citizen participation in public life fosters responsible and tolerant civic 2500989. Barber, a strong American democracy theorist, also believes that civic participation fosters citizenship, and Barber has also developed education-based community service projects to practice the ideological 2500990 that participation fosters citizenship. Civil society theorists argue that trust and cooperation can only be learned in voluntary associations of civil society, including churches, families, trade unions, racial associations, cooperatives, environmental organizations, neighborhood associations, aid groups, charitable organizations, and other 2500991. Kemlika argues that civic virtues cannot be taught by the market, family, or community in civil society alone, but that only schools can assume this responsibility. Schools are not the only, or even the most important, places where citizens are trained, but they are indispensable. Other institutions can only supplement, not replace, schools to provide educational 2500992 for citizens. It can be seen that participation in public life, community life, and civic education in schools are effective ways to cultivate civic awareness, which has been recognized by Western academic circles. When Chinese scholars explore the path of cultivating civic awareness, they mainly discuss from the following aspects: (1) System construction. Improve and develop the market field, correctly position the national field, and vigorously promote the rule of law and political democratization. (2) strive to foster the public sphere and promote the formation of civil society 2500993; Among them, the construction of rural communities plays a certain role in the cultivation of civic awareness, and villagers embody the spirit of citizen subjects and the public spirit of paying attention to public affairs in the construction of rural communities 2500994. (3) Cultural construction. Feng Liujian analyzed the inherent cultural model in which the cultural blockade of Chinese civic education lies in the deep structure of traditional daily life, which is manifested as the cultural model characterized by naturalness, experience and humanization under the cultivation of agricultural civilization, and breaking through this cultural barrier is a long-term and arduous historical task facing the revival of Chinese civic education. To break through this cultural model, it is inevitable that the state leads, social promotion, family participation, personal awakening, etc. work together to achieve results. However, as to how to proceed, there is no specific discussion 2500995. Shao Longbao also believes that the construction of civic personality should be guided by Marxism, strengthen the construction of the soul of citizen personality - ideals, beliefs and meaning world, attach importance to and develop excellent cultural traditions, and fully explore and utilize the resources of Chinese and Western personality theories 2500996. (4) Online public opinion is an important way to cultivate civic awareness. The openness of the Internet provides ordinary citizens with the right to speak, but the Internet also has the characteristics of pluralism, emotion, and weakening of gatekeeping. Therefore, it is necessary to strengthen the management of online public opinion to guide citizens' self-discipline awareness to form 2500997. (5) Some scholars discussed the content and specific measures of civic education. Li Zhide systematically constructed the theoretical framework and 2500998 of civic education content by taking the content scope of the concept of citizenship, the positioning level of citizens in civil society and the content category of civic education as the coordinates. Zhao Liming discussed the requirements and 2500999 of civic education from four aspects: the development process of civic education, the implementation agency of education, the educational approach and the educational effect. On the basis of drawing on the experience of foreign civic education, Qin Shuli proposed the establishment of a "civic education committee" to coordinate and guide national civic education in a unified manner; Integrate educational resources and build a civic education platform 2501000. Dai Jianlin discussed the social psychological basis of youth civic education, and proposed that the appropriate method of civic education is to let individuals obtain corresponding civic education knowledge 2501001 according to the stage characteristics of their cognitive development. Of course, civic awareness education is a systematic social engineering, and how to effectively coordinate between various cultivation methods is an important issue that cannot be ignored. In response to this problem, Dong Minzhi believes that the cultivation of civic spirit needs to start from the following three aspects: first, ideological enlightenment and social system reform are carried out simultaneously; The second is the promotion of mass demand and elite-led interaction; The third is the logical order of construction among the elements of civic spirit. It is necessary to start from the growth of the awareness of rights to promote the growth of the awareness of rules, and then lead to the awakening of the sense of responsibility, which is not only in line with the internal logic of the relationship between the three, but also in line with the value concept 2501002 of modern civic spirit. To sum up, the preliminary research results of civic awareness have been very rich, which provides useful reference for further in-depth research. However, from the perspective of research content, first, the understanding of civic consciousness in Chinese academic circles is mainly explained from the perspective of modern national citizenship system, and there is a lack of investigation of the diachronic and synchronic nature of civic consciousness, which affects the richness of the concept of civic consciousness and its grasp of its basic provisions. Second, although there is consensus that citizenship is a multi-dimensional concept, there is not much in-depth discussion of each dimension, and only stays on a relatively superficial analysis. Third, in the empirical research on the current situation of civic awareness in China, it is mainly limited to descriptive research, and the analysis of the reasons for the weakness of civic awareness still stays at the level of speculation, and lacks the investigation of multivariate causal relationships, especially the empirical investigation of the influencing factors of citizenship consciousness that reflect the characteristics of Chinese culture and system. Fourth, whether civic awareness is high or low needs to be verified by using certain measurement indicators, but there are few research results on the measurement indicators of civic awareness in China. Fifth, in the research on the path of civic awareness cultivation, although there have been some achievements in the academic circles, they are relatively scattered, and there is a lack of systematic analysis that integrates macro and micro perspectives. From the perspective of research methods, it is either only a normative theoretical analysis of civic consciousness, or an empirical investigation and research, and it is rare to combine the two thinking about the current situation of civic consciousness in China, its reasons and cultivation path. To this end, this book combines normative research and empirical research methods, attempts to take citizenship theory as the perspective to analyze the essence and composition of civic consciousness, and uses psychometric principles to compile contemporary Chinese citizenship awareness assessment indicators, according to which the status of Chinese civic consciousness is evaluated, and the factors affecting the status of civic consciousness in China are analyzed by the data and materials obtained from empirical investigation, and finally the cultivation path of civic consciousness in China is proposed. The selection of research methods and the collection and processing of research data Civic awareness is a huge and complex research topic, and for a long time, in social science research, innovation in methods and perspectives often leads to innovation in results. From the perspective of the research topic of civic awareness, there have always been two complementary research paths, namely normative research and empirical research. Although the normative research results are rich, it only stays at the level of academic analysis, and the research on the current situation of civic consciousness in China still needs to be verified by empirical science. Of course, there are many empirical research results on civic awareness using questionnaire surveys, especially in the past two years, the results of large-scale social surveys on China's civic awareness have continued to emerge, but in general, most of the questionnaire survey projects of civic awareness lack reliability and validity tests, especially a set of citizenship awareness evaluation index system. Most of the analysis of the influencing factors of civic awareness is based on quantitative research on personal background factors, such as gender, age, education level, household registration, etc., and it is rare to systematically analyze the cultivation of civic awareness by combining quantitative and qualitative methods. To this end, this book strives to integrate the advantages of normative research and empirical research, innovate research methods, base on interdisciplinary disciplines, use psychometric measurement technology, and discuss the measurement, evaluation and cultivation mechanism of civic consciousness based on the theories of citizenship and civil rights and duties in political science and law, so as to make a modest contribution to promoting the research topic of civic awareness. (1) Research method 1. Text reading method The text reading method of this book mainly examines and summarizes the evolution of civic consciousness in the historical process through the reading of representative historical documents related to the citizenship system in ancient Greece, Rome, the Middle Ages and modern times, and summarizes the historical development stages and characteristics of civic consciousness. On this basis, by reading the classic texts of political philosophy and jurisprudence on citizenship and civic consciousness, we will think about the masters' interpretations of citizenship and civic consciousness, and draw wisdom from the classics, so as to analyze and summarize the essence of civic consciousness. Secondly, by using rich network resources, the relevant literature on citizenship, citizenship assessment, influence mechanism, and cultivation method is collected, and through sorting and analyzing relevant literature, it provides a theoretical basis for the research on civic awareness and measurement indicators, influencing factors and cultivation methods of various dimensions in this book. 2. Interview methodThe interview method in this book is mainly used in the study of the structure of civic consciousness, and the questionnaire for preliminarily determining civic awareness is preliminarily determined through small-scale structural interviews. The interview follows an orderly step, that is, the interview outline is prepared in advance, the appropriate audience is selected, and the interview process is completely recorded and organized. 3. Questionnaire methodQuestionnaire survey method is the main method for obtaining research data such as "citizen awareness assessment and status" in this book. It is mainly divided into the steps of questionnaire design, distribution and collection, and questionnaire data entry and analysis. (2) Collection and processing of research data 1. Collection of research data: The data in this book mainly comes from the following three social surveys: The first social survey was from November 2008 to December 2008. The sample of the survey came from Wucheng District, Jindong District, Yiwu Small Commodity Market and Lanjiang Town, Lanxi City, Zhejiang Province, and 500 questionnaires were distributed, 423 were recovered, and the questionnaire recovery rate was 84.6%. This questionnaire is scored by Likert five points. In order to ensure the authenticity and credibility of the answers, positive and reverse questions are arranged in the project settings, and the collected questionnaire will be treated as waste if it has the following two questions: first, the answer selection shows regularity, and the answers to the positive and reverse questions contradict themselves; Second, if there are more than 6 blank answers (there are many questions in this questionnaire, there are 147 questions), it is regarded as not answering seriously and is invalid. After deleting all these questionnaires that did not answer carefully, 366 valid questionnaires were obtained. This part of the data is mainly used for the analysis of exploratory factors in the structure of civic awareness, legal awareness, rights awareness structure and public responsibility structure. The second social survey was conducted from December 2008 to January 2009. The questionnaire was still the original undeleted questionnaire, the participants selected 450 people from Bailongqiao Town, Jinhua City, Zhejiang Province, Nanma Town, Dongyang City, Pujiang City, Puyang Town, a total of 450 questionnaires were distributed, 402 were recovered, the questionnaire recovery rate was 89.3%, and the questionnaires that were not answered carefully were deleted according to the principles mentioned above, and finally 351 valid questionnaires were obtained. This part of the data is mainly used for confirmatory factor analysis. In the first and second questionnaires, although the default values of the overall questionnaire were small, most of the default values were concentrated in the items that answered the sense of political efficacy, such as "principles and policies are set from above, there is no need to discuss them, even if they are discussed, it is useless", "all political issues are complex, open discussion has no benefit, it is easy to cause ideological confusion", "even the central leadership must accept the supervision of the masses", "the law is only used to deal with the people, and has little effect on officials", and so on. In particular, among the 200 questionnaires from Dongyang, 2501003 there were more gaps related to political efficacy, rule of law and human relations, and relationships. Moreover, in the collected questionnaire, from the sample characteristics of the valid data, there were fewer people over the age of 50 and with an education level of primary school or less. The reason may be that the first and second surveys are entrusted to relevant personnel in the streets and communities, allowing the respondents to fill in by themselves, because there are more items in this survey, there are more than 140 questions, the arrangement is tight, the words are small, which makes it difficult for older people to read and fill in; Secondly, in the design of the project, although it is as easy to understand as possible, in any case, for people with low education level (people with primary school education level and below), it is difficult to understand by themselves; Finally, because the less educated and older the more cautious they are in answering questions about political efficacy, they choose not to answer in order to avoid trouble. In order to make the sample more representative, especially to make up for the sample over 50 years old, as well as the sample of people with lower levels of education, a third survey was conducted. The third social survey ran from January 2009 to February 2009. The questionnaire of this survey was revised on the basis of exploratory factor analysis, and the items with low validity in exploratory factor analysis were deleted, and the questionnaire items were reduced to 107 questions. The survey organized students from the School of Law and Public Administration of Zhejiang Normal University, conducted survey training for students in advance, let students go home and use the holidays to conduct household surveys, and orally explained to the participants who had difficulty understanding, selected by the participants, and filled in by the investigators. In the selection of samples, the proportion of people over 50 years old and those with low educational level was increased, and occupation, gender, age, and urban-rural ratio were taken into account to make the sample more representative. In this survey, 500 questionnaires were distributed, and together with the data of the first and second surveys, a total of 1202 questionnaires were recovered, with a recovery rate of 82.9%, and invalid questionnaires were eliminated, leaving 1076 valid questionnaires. This part of the data is mainly used for the study of civic participation awareness and political effectiveness. Not 1076 data were used in each study in this study, because the same data could not be used for exploratory factor analysis and confirmatory factor analysis when studying consciousness structures and measurement tools according to psychometric principles, otherwise the measurement items would not have reliability and validity. Moreover, in the third social survey, because some items were deleted, the deletion of these items was based on the analysis of exploratory factors, and no project analysis was carried out in advance, so in the later analysis, in order to make the measurement of items such as civic awareness, legal awareness, and political effectiveness awareness more reliable, further exploratory factor analysis after project analysis is different from the items left after direct exploratory factor analysis, and only the first and second batches of data can be used, and the third batch of data cannot be used. 2. Demographic distribution and descriptive statistics of the study subjects (1) Overall demographic characteristics of the first survey data. 48.6% were males and 51.1% were females; Agricultural hukou accounted for 46.7% and non-agricultural hukou accounted for 51.6%; 40.7 per cent received formal education at or above the tertiary level, 55.5 per cent received secondary education and 3.8 per cent received education below primary school. 20.3% were under 30 years old, 54.6% were 31-40 years old, 22.7% were 41-50 years old, and 1.9% were over 50 years old. The class of State managers accounted for 7.7 per cent, private entrepreneurs 12.3 per cent, managers and professional technicians 21 per cent, individual businesses 6.8 per cent, clerical workers 8.7 per cent, industrial workers 3.3 per cent, service workers 19.7 per cent, agricultural workers 10.1 per cent and other occupations 7.1 per cent. (The default value is for less than 100% of the above data) (2) The overall demographic characteristics of the second group of respondents. 61.3% were men and 38.5% were women; Agricultural hukou accounted for 56.7% and non-agricultural hukou accounted for 43.3%; 22.7% of those received tertiary education, 67.2% received secondary education, and 9.4% received education below primary school. 15.9% were under 30 years old, 13.1% were 31-40 years old, 45.9% were 41-50 years old, and 11.1% were over 50 years old. State managers accounted for 6.8 per cent, private entrepreneurs 10.3 per cent, managers and professional technicians 13.1 per cent, individual businesses 9.4 per cent, clerical workers 7.7 per cent, industrial workers 11.4 per cent, service workers 3.4 per cent, agricultural workers 14.8 per cent, other occupations 15.7 per cent and unemployed and semi-unemployed 5.4 per cent. (The default value is for less than 100% of the above data) (3) The demographic characteristics of the respondents obtained in total, the first, second, and third batches. The overall demographic characteristics of the study subjects were: 605 males, accounting for 56.2%, and 467 females, accounting for 43.4%; There were 527 people with agricultural hukou, accounting for 49.5%, and 538 people (50.4%) in non-agricultural hukou; There were 319 people with higher education at or above the junior college level, accounting for 29.7%, 306 (technical secondary school and vocational high school) education, accounting for 28.4%, and 447 (41.5%) receiving junior high school or lower education. 137 (12.7%) were under 30 years old, 407 (37.8%) were aged 31-40, 306 (28.4%) were aged 41-50, 133 (12.3%) were aged 51-60, and 87 were over 60 years old, accounting for 8.1%; There are 83 responsible persons of state organs, party and mass organizations, enterprises and institutions, accounting for 7.7%, 114 private business owners, accounting for 10.6%, 34 managers, 3.2%, 157 professional and technical personnel, accounting for 14.6%, 82 individual industrial and commercial enterprises, accounting for 7.6%, 90 clerical personnel and related personnel, accounting for 8.3%, 91 industrial workers, accounting for 8.4%, 124 employees in the service industry, accounting for 11.5%, 140 agricultural workers, accounting for 13%, and 86 people in other occupations. accounted for 8%, 45 unemployed and semi-unemployed, accounting for 4.2%, 26 unanswered, accounting for 2.4%; There are 195 people with an average annual income of less than 10,000 yuan, accounting for 18.1%, 260 people with 10,000-20,000 yuan, accounting for 24.3%, 190 people with 20,000-30,000 yuan, accounting for 17.8%, 178 people with 30,000-50,000 yuan, accounting for 16.5%, 86 people with 50,000-80,000 yuan, accounting for 8.1%, and 93 people with more than 80,000 yuan. From the above data, according to the results of the 2007 census in China's Statistical Yearbook, 2501004 the proportion of men and women in Zhejiang Province (6-64 years old) was 50.95% male and 49.05% female, and the proportion of urban population and rural population was 57.2% and 42.8% respectively, which is relatively close to the sample structure of this book. In terms of age, according to the results of the 2007 census in the Statistical Yearbook, the proportion of the population aged 20-29 to the population aged 20-65 is 20.28%, 26.38% is 30-39 years old, 25.05% is 40-49 years old, 21.63% is 50-59 years old, and 6.66% is 6.66% aged 60-65. However, from the perspective of education level, the data of the 2007 population census of Zhejiang Province (6-64 years old) shows that the education level of high school or above is 12.66%, and the education level of college or above is 8.5%, which shows that the education level of this sample is high, which is mainly because the questionnaire requires participants to have certain understanding ability, which is also the defect of this research data. As Melanie Manion rightly points out, "multivariate relationship studies are generally more reliable than descriptive univariate studies" 2501005. Although the educational attainment of the sample is high, the age structure is not representative of the average educational attainment and average age of the population. However, as long as the educational attainment variable and the age variable show a change from low to high, it can still be used to measure the extent to which educational attainment affects civic awareness. 3. Data analysis and processing The original data of the valid questionnaire is entered into the computer, and the analysis methods include descriptive statistics, analysis of variance, cluster analysis, factor analysis, correlation analysis, regression analysis and structural equation analysis. The analysis was performed alternately using SPSS 12.0 and LISREL 8.70 analysis software. In short, in the writing of this book, we adopt an interdisciplinary and multi-angle approach, use the method of normative research to analyze and summarize the essence of civic awareness, and use empirical methods to investigate and study the survey indicators, influencing factors and current situation of civic awareness, and propose a path for cultivating modern civic consciousness on this basis.（AI翻译）