本成果以“以人为本”的科学发展观点为指导，运用文献研究法，分析了我国不同时期农村养老保障方式存在与运行的经济与社会基础，以及家庭、社会、国家在农村养老保障中的作用及其三者之间的关系；探讨了不同时期我国农村养老保障的个性与共性问题，揭示了农村养老保障的运行机制与演变规律。运用实证研究法即通过对东、中、西部5省22个乡镇58个行政村的1599个农户的调查问卷与湖北省黄梅县的孔镇、武汉市新洲区等地的专题调查问卷与个案深访资料分析，以及与有关单位相关调查问卷（CGSS2006、TSCS、CSSS2007）的比较分析，客观描述了我国农村居民的养老观念、意愿与赡养行为，特别是对女儿养老的态度；分析了影响农村居民养老观念、意愿的主观客观因素，以及子女对父母赡养的行为动机和维系赡养行为的内在因素与外在因素；揭示了我国社会转型期农村养老保障方式的运作机制及其演变趋势；通过对农村居民参与新农保的行为逻辑分析，探讨了新农保的养老保障能力与可持续性。通过研究有如下发现：

传统时期（泛指新中国成立以前），我国农村养老保障是一种通过以土地等主要财产的男系代际之间的财富流动，在家庭内部进行代际交换的“反哺式”家庭养老；家族与国家主要通过宣杨和强化孝道规范维护老人的权威和地位，强化儿子赡养父母的责任和义务；与此同时，家族通过建设族产来周济贫穷老人，组织活动提高老年人福利，国家会对老人予以优待，并对鳏寡孤独老人予以救济，家族和国家在经济上对家庭养老起着一种非普惠式的补充作用。“反哺式”的家庭养老保障之所以能够延续千年，一是以家庭为单位的小农生产方式为家庭养老奠定了经济基础；二是封建等级秩序维护着老人在家庭中的权威与地位；三是国家、社会（家族）所推崇的孝道文化规范着子代的赡养行为。集体化时期即农业合作化开始至家庭联产承包责任制实施，这一时期土地等主要生产资料归集体所有，家庭不再作为一个生产经营单位而纯粹作为一个消费单位而存在，老年父母在家庭中的传统权威不仅失去了经济基础，而且维系传统权威的等级秩序不复存在，规范子代赡养行为的传统文化也受到严重冲击。这一时期家庭依然是农村养老保障的主体，集体通过收入与生活资料的分配以及家庭矛盾的协调，监督儿子对其父母赡养责任与义务的承担和履行，同时通过“五保供养制度”与“合作医疗制度”的实施弥补家庭养老的不足。后集体化时期即实行家庭联产承包责任制以后，家庭在农村养老保障中的主体地位虽然没有变，但由于家庭内部权力结构由家长制向平等协商的民主制转变，“家长”由长辈制向个人见识与对家庭的贡献转变，以及妇女地位提高、夫妻平等，甚至出现了妇女当家的事实，使得家庭的养老实践发生了重要变化，这些变化主要体现在由传统的责任养老向着情感养老转变，女儿在家庭养老中的作用渐渐显现；这一时期由于集体经济衰落，集体对家庭养老的支持作用不断弱化，国家通过实施“新型农村合作医疗”与“新型农村社会养老保险”制度为维护家庭养老提供了一定的经济支持，对于提高农村老人经济上的独立性与自主性，改善家庭代际关系起到了较好的作用。尽管家庭养老从古至今始终是我国农村养老保障的主体，由于在不同历史时期维持家庭养老的经济与社会基础不同，家庭养老具体实现的形式也存在着很大差异，随着社会化大生产的发展，家庭生产功能的逐渐消失以及家庭财富积累方式的变化，家庭对养老的经济支持也由以实物形态为主向着以货币形态为主转变，因此，国家通过收入再分配的方式建立与完善农村社会养老保险，提高农村老人在家庭养老中的经济独立性日益迫切。

现阶段，我国农村居民对自身养老的认识正在不断清晰并主观预期也向着乐观的方向发展，课题组通过对2012—2013年的“5省问卷调查数据”分析得知，32.7%受访的农村居民（35—59岁）表示不担心自己的养老，没考虑过自己养老问题的占12.8%；而5年前的CSSS2007调查数据显示仅有3.8%的农村居民（35—59岁）表示不担心自己的养老问题，没考虑过自己养老问题的占36.6%；同时值得注意的是两组不同时期的调查数据均有近四成的农村居民表示非常担心或担心自己的养老问题，说明我国农村居民养老问题的严峻性。通过对养老预期的影响因素分析得知，影响农村居民养老预期的核心因素是家庭经济状况与个人收入水平，这说明我国现阶段农村养老的核心问题是经济问题，且家庭仍然是农村居民养老预期中的主要经济依靠，同时个人在养老中经济的独立性意愿也已显现。从农村居民对养老责任主体认识看，子女依然是养老的责任主体，儿子责任大于女儿，有近五成的受访者认为养老责任应包括自己和配偶，这进一步说明了家庭作为农村养老主体的合理性，但个人在家庭养老中的独立性意愿已日益普遍。从现阶段农村老人的养老实践看，绝大多数农村老人只要自己或配偶还有劳动能力与生活自理能力的情况下，养老主要经济来源依靠自己或配偶劳动所得，日常生活以自我照料或配偶照料为主；农村老人随着年龄增大，劳动能力与生活自理能力减弱，养老经济与日常生活逐渐依赖子女特别是儿子供给与照料；无论是低龄还是高龄老人精神支持以配偶为主。从农村居民养老意愿看，居家养老即与子代家庭成员生活在一起依然是农村居民的首要选择，愿意自己或配偶父母到自己家居家养老的男性子代分别为96.3%、72.2%，女性子代分别为85.6%、90.3%；可见，随着女性地位的提高，农村居民逐渐认为女儿有养老责任并开始接受女儿养老。通过对农村居民对父母赡养行为的研究进一步发现：代际间经济支持在父母子女共同生命历程的早期阶段（子女组建小家庭）是子女需求导向的，而晚期阶段（高龄父母）则是父母需求导向的。随着父母年龄增大，子代对父母经济支持会逐渐增多而代间劳务和情感互动频率渐渐降低，子女对父母的赡养行为已由传统的孝道约束向着“情感”“良心”驱动转变。因而提高农村老人在养老中的经济独立性与自主性，是解决我国现阶段农村养老问题的关键，新农保的实施在一定程度上提高了农村老人养老经济的独立性与自主性。

新农保推行过程中国家与农村居民间的互动彼此形塑，一方面是政府力图将国家与农村居民的“汲取型”关系向“服务型”关系转变；另一方面是农村居民自身权益意识的觉醒，但这种觉醒还仅限于权利的争取而自身责任却忽视。新农保作为一种外生性的普惠性福利制度，农村居民积极参与是基于对其实施政策认知与福利判断的一种经济理性行为，目前各地农村居民参保率高、缴费档次低是经济理性选择的结果。新农保的养老保障能力并非仅是待遇水平这一客观的标准所呈现，很大程度上是一种主观判断，即传统家庭养老观念越重的农村居民对新农保的期待越低，越认可当前新农保的养老保障能力；相反，社会养老观念越重的农村居民对新农保有越高的期待，越不认可当前新农保的养老保障能力；从人口特征看，年龄与认可度成正比、文化程度成反比。尽管不同人口特征的农村居民对新农保养老保障能力的认可度不一，但普遍对新农保制度的实施给予了正向评价，并且随着农村居民对新农保政策认知的加深及缴费激励机制的完善，其参保意愿与缴费档次正在不断增加与提高，说明新农保制度在农村具有可持续性。鉴于上述结论，在完善城乡居民社会养老保险过程中，一是要加大政策宣传力度，不仅要宣传农村居民社会养老的权利意识，也要强调其责任意识，以纠正权利觉醒、责任忽视的局面；二是在适度提高基础养老金的同时，采取递进式补贴或者比率式补贴方式对个人账户进行补贴，摆脱农村居民最低档缴费选择的困境，提高新农保养老保障能力。

关键词：农村社会、养老保障、家庭养老、新农保

Guided by the scientific development perspective of "people-oriented", this achievement analyzes the economic and social basis of the existence and operation of rural old-age security methods in different periods in China, as well as the role of family, society and the state in rural old-age security and the relationship between the three. The individuality and commonality of rural old-age security in China in different periods were discussed, and the operation mechanism and evolution law of rural old-age security were revealed. Using the empirical research method, that is, through the questionnaire of 1599 rural households in 58 administrative villages in 22 townships and towns in 5 provinces in the eastern, central and western provinces, the special questionnaire and case in-depth interview data analysis in Kongzhen in Huangmei County of Hubei Province and Xinzhou District of Wuhan City, as well as the comparative analysis of relevant questionnaires (CGSS2006, TSCS, CSSS2007), the concept, willingness and support behavior of rural residents in China, especially the attitude towards daughters' pension, are objectively described. The subjective and objective factors affecting rural residents' old-age concept and willingness to provide for the elderly, as well as the internal and external factors of children's motivation and maintenance behavior for parental support were analyzed. The operation mechanism and evolution trend of rural old-age security mode in China's social transition period are revealed. Through the analysis of the behavior logic of rural residents' participation in the new rural insurance, the old-age security capacity and sustainability of the new rural insurance are discussed. Through research, the following findings have been made: in the traditional period (generally referring to before the founding of New China), China's rural old-age security is a kind of "feed-back" family pension through the intergenerational flow of wealth between male lines with land and other major assets; The family and the state mainly maintain the authority and status of the elderly by promoting Yang and strengthening the norms of filial piety, and strengthen the responsibility and obligation of sons to support their parents; At the same time, the family through the construction of family property to help the poor elderly, organize activities to improve the welfare of the elderly, the state will give preferential treatment to the elderly, and provide relief to the widows and lonely elderly, the family and the state play a non-inclusive supplementary role in the economy for the family pension. The reason why the "feed-back" family old-age security can last for thousands of years is that the small-scale peasant production mode of the family unit has laid an economic foundation for the family's old-age care; Second, the feudal hierarchical order maintains the authority and status of the elderly in the family; Third, the filial piety culture advocated by the state and society (family) regulates the maintenance behavior of future generations. During the collectivization period, that is, the beginning of agricultural cooperativeization to the implementation of the household joint production contract responsibility system, during this period, the main means of production such as land were collectively owned, the family no longer existed as a production and operation unit but purely as a consumption unit, the traditional authority of elderly parents in the family not only lost its economic foundation, but also the hierarchical order that maintained the traditional authority no longer existed, and the traditional culture that regulated the maintenance behavior of children was also seriously impacted. During this period, the family was still the main body of rural old-age security, and the collective supervised the son's assumption and fulfillment of his parents' support responsibilities and obligations through the distribution of income and living materials and the coordination of family conflicts, and at the same time made up for the lack of family old-age care through the implementation of the "five-guarantee support system" and the "cooperative medical system". In the post-collectivization period, that is, after the implementation of the family joint production contract responsibility system, although the main position of the family in the rural old-age security has not changed, due to the transformation of the power structure within the family from the patriarchal system to the democratic system of equal consultation, the transformation of the "parent" from the elder system to personal insight and contribution to the family, as well as the improvement of women's status, the equality of husband and wife, and even the fact that women are in charge of the household, the family's pension practice has undergone important changes, and these changes are mainly reflected in the transformation from the traditional responsible pension to the emotional pension. The role of daughters in family care is gradually emerging; During this period, due to the decline of the collective economy, the collective support role of the family pension continued to weaken, and the state provided certain economic support for maintaining the family pension through the implementation of the "new rural cooperative medical care" and "new rural social pension insurance" systems, which played a good role in improving the economic independence and autonomy of the rural elderly and improving the intergenerational relationship of the family. Although family pension has always been the main body of China's rural pension security from ancient times to the present, due to the different economic and social foundations of maintaining family pension in different historical periods, the specific realization of family pension form is also very different, with the development of socialized large-scale production, the gradual disappearance of family production function and the change of family wealth accumulation mode, family economic support for pension has also changed from physical form to monetary form, therefore, It is increasingly urgent for the state to establish and improve rural social old-age insurance through income redistribution, and improve the economic independence of the rural elderly in the family pension. At this stage, China's rural residents' understanding of their own pension is constantly clear and subjective expectations are also developing in an optimistic direction, the research group through the analysis of the "5 provinces questionnaire survey data" in 2012-2013 learned that 32.7% of the interviewed rural residents (35-59 years old) said that they were not worried about their pension, and 12.8% had not considered their pension problems; However, the CSSS 2007 survey data five years ago showed that only 3.8% of rural residents (35-59 years old) said that they were not worried about their pension problems, and 36.6% did not consider their pension problems; At the same time, it is worth noting that nearly 40% of rural residents in the survey data of the two sets of different periods expressed that they were very worried or worried about their pension problems, indicating the seriousness of China's rural residents' pension problems. Through the analysis of the influencing factors of pension expectations, it is known that the core factors affecting rural residents' pension expectations are family economic status and personal income level, which shows that the core problem of rural pension in China at this stage is economic problems, and the family is still the main economic dependence of rural residents' pension expectations, and the individual's willingness to be independent of the economy in the pension has also emerged. From the perspective of rural residents' understanding of the main body of pension responsibility, children are still the main body of responsibility for the elderly, and the responsibility of sons is greater than that of daughters, and nearly fifty percent of respondents believe that the responsibility for the elderly should include themselves and their spouses, which further illustrates the rationality of the family as the main body of the rural pension, but the individual's willingness to be independent in the family pension has become increasingly common. From the current stage of the practice of the elderly in rural areas, the vast majority of rural elderly as long as they or their spouses still have the ability to work and take care of themselves, the main economic source of the elderly depends on their own or their spouse's labor income, and their daily life is mainly self-care or spousal care; With the increase of age, the working ability and self-care ability of the elderly in rural areas weakened, and the pension economy and daily life gradually depended on the supply and care of children, especially sons; Spiritual support, whether young or elderly, is dominated by spouses. From the perspective of rural residents' willingness to retire, home care is still the first choice of rural residents, that is, living with their offspring family members, 96.3% and 72.2% of male children and 85.6% and 90.3% of female children are willing to go to their own home for the elderly, respectively; It can be seen that with the improvement of women's status, rural residents gradually think that their daughters have the responsibility for the elderly and begin to accept their daughters' pensions. Through the study of rural residents' parental support behavior, it is further found that intergenerational economic support is child-oriented in the early stage of the common life course of parents and children (children forming small families), while the late stage (elderly parents) is parents' demand-oriented. As parents get older, the financial support of children to their parents will gradually increase, and the frequency of intergenerational labor and emotional interaction will gradually decrease, and children's support behavior for parents has changed from the traditional filial piety constraint to "emotion" and "conscience"-driven. Therefore, improving the economic independence and autonomy of the rural elderly in the elderly is the key to solving the problem of rural pension at this stage in China, and the implementation of the new agricultural insurance has improved the independence and autonomy of the rural elderly pension economy to a certain extent. On the one hand, the government is trying to transform the "extractive" relationship between the state and rural residents into a "service-oriented" relationship. On the other hand, it is the awakening of rural residents' awareness of their own rights and interests, but this awakening is still limited to the struggle for rights and their own responsibilities are ignored. As an exogenous inclusive welfare system, the active participation of rural residents is an economic rational behavior based on its implementation of policy cognition and welfare judgment. The old-age security capacity of the new rural insurance is not only presented by the objective standard of treatment level, but to a large extent is a subjective judgment, that is, the heavier the traditional family pension concept, the lower the expectations of rural residents for the new agricultural insurance, and the more they recognize the old-age security ability of the current new agricultural insurance; On the contrary, the heavier the concept of social old-age care, the higher the expectations of rural residents for the new rural insurance, and the less they recognize the current old-age security capacity of the new rural insurance; From the perspective of demographic characteristics, age is directly proportional to recognition and inversely proportional to education level. Although rural residents with different demographic characteristics have different recognition of the ability of the new agricultural insurance system to maintain the elderly, the implementation of the new agricultural insurance system is generally positively evaluated, and with the deepening of rural residents' understanding of the new agricultural insurance policy and the improvement of the payment incentive mechanism, their willingness to participate in insurance and the payment grade are increasing and improving, indicating that the new agricultural insurance system is sustainable in rural areas. In view of the above conclusions, in the process of improving the social pension insurance for urban and rural residents, first, it is necessary to increase policy publicity, not only to publicize the awareness of rural residents' social pension rights, but also to emphasize their sense of responsibility, so as to correct the situation of awakening of rights and neglect of responsibility; Second, while appropriately increasing the basic pension, we should adopt progressive subsidies or ratiometric subsidies to subsidize personal accounts, get rid of the dilemma of rural residents' minimum payment options, and improve the ability of new farmers to maintain the old. Keywords: rural society, old-age security, family old-age care, new rural insurance（AI翻译）