菲利普·卡尔·萨尔兹曼2948493

1978年，国际人类学与民族学联合会（IUAES）主席邀我组建游牧民委员会（the Commission on Nomadic Peoples），作为联合会的工作组之一。我开始邀请很多不同领域的专家，成立一个关注游牧民的国际性跨学科网络。在接下来的几十年里，游牧民委员会先后在美国、印度、非洲和欧洲组织召开了有关牧民和游牧民的会议。《游牧民委员会通讯》很快变成《游牧民》这一国际期刊，当时在全球免费发行。1990年以后，联合会的其他主席对游牧民委员会的发展给予了很多指导，期刊在更多编辑辛勤工作的基础上也逐步发展起来。然而，这里我不想回顾游牧民委员会的历史，而是想简单谈谈过去多年里引起我们关注的牧民和游牧民生活面临的一些问题。

与任何一般化的社会经济分类——狩猎民、农民、工人、渔民等——相同，在牧民和游牧民这一类别内也存在着很大的差异。这种差异取决于牧民在多大程度上是定居或游牧。如果我们将畜牧业定义为在天然草场上饲养牲畜，那么美国的牧场主是牧民，但他们是定居的而非游牧的。东非的马赛人也是一样。如果将游牧定义为家庭在年复一年的生计中不断移动，我们会发现很多著名的非洲牧民都不是游牧民。拥有一个便利的定居点，而牧羊人或牧牛人在一段时期内会赶着畜群到其他地方去放牧，这种策略是众人皆知的，在卡拉莫琼（Karimojong）这样的东非部落就采用这一策略，而且在欧洲也可以看到，牧羊人离开他们的永久定居点和他们的妻小，根据季节赶着羊群到低地或高山放牧。其他部落，如努尔人（the Nuer），根据干季和湿季在粮食种植区和捕鱼区之间移动。

努尔人的例子提出了生产活动的多元性这一重要问题。许多牧民饲养几种不同种类的牲畜。在非洲，同时饲养大畜和小畜（牛、绵羊和山羊）是非常普遍的；在中东，牧民同时饲养骆驼、绵羊和山羊。有时，牧民也饲养马和驴。但生产的多元性决不仅仅局限于饲养多种牲畜。那些坚决要从事牧业并且认为他们自己就是牧民的人，也从事很多其他种类的经济活动，包括种植、捕鱼、狩猎、保镖、走私和手工艺制造，甚至抢劫、勒索。正如上文所述，努尔人以养牛为生，但也饲养小畜，同时还很依赖于种植和捕鱼。伊朗的俾路支人（the Baluch）饲养绵羊和山羊，但也种植谷物、椰枣树、打猎和采集，并且传统上也做过掠夺抢劫的事。昔兰尼加（Cyrenaica）的贝都因人在绿山（Green Mountain）上耕种，在草原和荒漠中放牧。

不同地区面临着不同的环境挑战。牧民通常采取游牧的方式，通过移动畜群中和不利的环境因素，同时最大限度地利用有利环境因素。伊朗南部的巴涉利人（the Basseri）在山地季节性地移动放牧，通过改变海拔梯度，他们避开了低地的夏季酷热和高地的冬季严寒。伊朗西北部戈尔贡平原（the Gorgon Plain）的土库曼人（the Turkmen）享受着适度的降水和稳定的草场，这使得他们能保持或多或少的稳定性，移动放牧也主要是为了搬离久用生垢的营地和避开害虫，有时也出于政治目的以避开国家的干预。沙漠居民如昔兰尼加南部的贝都因人，移动放牧主要是为了响应降水和草场的微环境的变化，他们春季远离水井，夏季则回到水井边上。俾路支人搜寻关于牲畜疾病的信息，这样他们在移动放牧过程中就可以避开有疾病的地区。一些环境挑战还会来自于其他部落人群。东非的图尔卡纳人（the Turkana）作决策时必须平衡水和草场的可得性，躲避疾病，还要确定好自己相对于边界的位置，因为如果离边界太近就会增加敌对部落抢劫的危险。

经济生活的一个主要考虑因素是人们的生产是为了自己消费还是为了市场出售。显然有一个连续系统，其中不同的点代表着生存型生产和市场型生产不同程度的组合。依靠自己生产的产品生活的人，即生存型生产者，必须实现多样化，这样他们才能够获得他们所需要的各种产品。有能力到市场上销售产品的人才能实现生产专业化，他们用产品销售收入在市场上购买产品。这样，越偏远的牧民与那些市场导向的牧民相比，其生产系统越多样化。例如，日瓦拉（Rwala）贝都因人有专业化的骆驼饲养，因为他们能把骆驼卖给沙漠中的旅队，并且能用这些收入购买那些骆驼不能提供的必需品。相反，伊朗的俾路支人远离市场，他们的生产多样性就很高，他们用自己的山羊羊毛做帐篷，用棕榈叶来编织垫子和绳子。

许多牧民独立生存，远离强大的外来者，组成我们称之为部落的地区性安全群体。但是，那些国家可以有效控制的牧民必须满足国家的要求。例如，昔兰尼加的贝都因人接受了（如果不是狂热的）奥斯曼帝国的宗主权，力所能及时他们会交适当数量的税。一些牧民，例如伊朗克尔曼（Kerman）的柯马奇人（the Komachi），受到国家权威和历法制度更充分的控制，因此他们可以被认为是农牧民。土耳其南部的尤鲁克（Yoruk）游牧民和希腊西部的萨拉卡特萨尼人（the Sarakatsani）就是这样的牧民，他们不得不向当地村民租用草场。中亚和东亚的国家，近几十年里牧民经历了集体化，而后又解散了集体。这个逆转的过程，具有非常重要的历史意义，它是国家得以控制游牧部落的过程，正如中东和其他地区经常发生的那样。在西非，富拉尼（Fulani）牧民成了豪萨王国（Hausa Kingdoms）的统治精英。近年来，国家通过经济发展和军事技术获得了强大力量，因而拥有了控制牧民部落的力量。

Preface Ⅰ

Philip Carl Salzman 2948494

In 1978,the President of the International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences（IUAES）asked me to form the Commission on Nomadic Peoples as one of the working groups of the Union.I proceeded to invite a wide range of specialists to form an international,interdisciplinary network focusing on nomadic and pastoral peoples.In the subsequent dozen years,the Commission organized conferences on nomadic and pastoral peoples which were held at venues in America,India,Africa,and Europe.The Newsletter of the Commission on Nomadic Peoples quickly became the international journal Nomadic Peoples,which was distributed free around the world during this period.Subse-quently,after 1990,the Commission benefitted from the guidance of other chairs and the journal from other editors.However,rather than reviewing the history of the Commission,here I shall mention briefly some of the issues in the lives of nomadic and pastoral peoples that have drawn our attention over the years.

As with any general socio-economic category-hunters,farmers,workers,fishermen,etc.-pastoralists and nomads exhibit great variation within the category.Pastoralists vary in the extent to which they are sedentary or nomadic.If we define pastoralism as raising livestock on natural pasture,then American ranchers are pastoralists,but are sedentary rather than nomadic.So too with the Maa-sai of East Africa.Defining nomadism as movement of the household in the course of the annual round of making a living,we find many notable African pastoralists are not nomadic.The strategy of having a central settlement,with shepherds or cowherds taking the flocks or herds away for periods,is well known,and seen in such East African groups as the Karimojong,but also among Europeans whose shepherds leave their permanent settlements and their women and children,to take their flocks to the lowlands or highlands,depending upon the season.Other groups,such as the Nuer,migrate according to the wet or dry season,and between areas of grain cultivation and those of fishing.

The Nuer case raises the important issue of the multiplicity of productive activities.Many pastoralists raise several different species; it is common in Africa to raise both large and small stock:Cattle,and sheep and goats; in the Middle East,camels and sheep and goats.Sometimes horses and donkeys are raised as well.But multiplicity in production by no means stops with multiple species of livestock.People who are strongly committed to raising livestock,and who often think of themselves as pastoralists,engage in a variety of other economic activities,including cultivation,fishing,hunting,predatory raiding,extortion,security services,smuggling,and crafts.As mentioned,the Nuer,who are devoted to their cattle,also have small stock,but also depend heavily on cultivation and fishing.The Baluch of Iran raise sheep and goat,and camels,but also engage in grain cultivation,date arboriculture,hunting and gathering,and,traditionally,predatory raiding.The Bedouin of Cyrenaica plow on the Green Mountain and herd on the steppe and desert.

Environmental challenges vary from place to place.Pastoralists often engage in nomadism to move their livestock to neutralize negative environmental factors and maximize positive environmental factors.The Basseri of south Iran migrate with their flocks seasonally up and down the mountains,changing altitude to avoid lowland summer heat and highland winter cold.The Turkmen of the Gorgon Plain in northwest Iran enjoy moderate rain and reliable pasture that allow them to remain more or less stable,shifting mainly to escape dirty sites and to avoid insects,but using their mobility primarily for the political purpose of escaping state interference.Desert dwellers such as the Bedouin of southern Cyrenaica move in response to micro-environmental variations of rainfall and pasturage,and away from wells in the spring,and back toward wells in the summer.The Baluch seek information about livestock disease,so that they can,in their migrations,avoid areas with disease.Some environmental challenges come from other human populations.Turkana of East Africa must balance in their decisions water and pasture availability,and absence of disease,but also positioning in relation to borders that would increase threat of raids from hostile tribes.

A major factor in economic life is whether people produce for their own consumption or for the market.Obviously there is a continuum,different points of which represent different mixes of subsistence production and market production.People living on what they produce,i.e.subsistence producers,must diversity so that they have the variety of products that they need.People with products that they can sell in the market,can specialize in production and use the income from sales to buy products in the market.Thus,the more remote pastoralists will have a more diversified production system than pastoralists who are market oriented,who can specialize and then buy what they need.For example,the Rwala Bedouin were able to specialize in raising camels,because they sold them for the caravan trade,and could use the income for necessities that the camels did not provide.In contrast,the Baluch of Iran,without access to markets,had highly diversified production,e.g.making their own tents from their own goat hair,and weaving mats and ropes from palm frond leaves.

Many pastoralists live independently,far from powerful outsiders,organizing themselves into regional security groups that we call tribes.However,pastoralists that fall within the effective reach of states must accommodate state demands.For example,the Bedouin of Cyrenaica accepted,if without enthusiasm,the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire,and paid moderate taxes,when they could.Some pastoralists,such as Komachi of Kerman,Iran,are more fully under the control of state authorities and civil institutions,and so can be considered pastoral peasants.Likewise with the Yoruk nomads of southern Turkey,and the Sarakatsani of western Greece,who had to rent pasture from local villagers.States in central and east Asia,during some recent periods,imposed collectivization upon pastoralists,and in later stages,disbanded collectives.The converse process,historically very important,is the conquest of states by nomadic tribes,as often happened in the Middle East and elsewhere.In western Africa,Fulani pastoralists become the governing elite of Hausa kingdoms.In recent times,states have gained great power through economic development and military technology,so the scales tend to weigh in favour of states rather than tribal pastoralists.