本文以阶级意识为视角，围绕着无产阶级革命的道路问题，从理论和实践、普遍和特殊关系上，分析了早期西方马克思主义的总体性的辩证法，然后分别考察了早期西方马克思主义在社会意识、阶级意识、无产阶级意识启蒙和无产阶级政党四个层面上对列宁政治哲学的深度思考，分析了早期西方马克思主义与列宁政治哲学在上述问题上的联系和区别。本文认为，卢卡奇、柯尔施和葛兰西等早期西方马克思主义者无论是批评还是赞同列宁的思想，也无论是把列宁主义指认为辩证唯物主义还是机械唯物主义，都是为了反对把俄国革命的具体道路普遍化，都试图开辟出一条不同于十月革命的、适合于中西欧实际的无产阶级革命的特殊道路，并为其作出理论的说明和论证。通过总结中西欧无产阶级革命失败的经验教训，他们认为中西欧具有不同于俄国的资产阶级意识形态的严密控制，因此，无产阶级革命首先要突破资产阶级意识形态的防线，形成无产阶级的阶级意识。早期西方马克思主义以总体性的辩证法把握理论和实践、主体和客体、政治社会和市民社会等关系。卢卡奇以“主体—客体”概念重建了历史唯物主义，充分发掘了列宁的主体能动性思想。围绕理论与实践的关系问题，卢卡奇以历史主义细化了列宁的具体问题具体分析的原则。柯尔施把理论单向地归于实践，又把“理论—实践”归于现实。葛兰西通过重新剖析市民社会，扩展了列宁的国家学说的内涵，使“同意”与“专政”并列。早期西方马克思主义重新思考了社会意识的性质和功能。卢卡奇、葛兰西把“生产的合理化”与思想意识、文化道德领域直接联系起来，延伸了列宁从经济角度对泰罗制的批判。葛兰西进而把科学看作意识形态，突出了文化的社会建构功能。但他们却都没能像列宁那样区分科学和科学的应用，在开启技术理性批判的同时在不同程度上表现出否定科学的倾向。早期西方马克思主义扩展了阶级意识的内容。卢卡奇把列宁关于阶级和阶级意识既统一又不统一的讨论推到前资本主义社会，并把列宁关于工人阶级的“自我认识”和“理论认识”的区分进一步明确化，提出无产阶级阶级意识的两种存在样态：心理意识和阶级意识。他和列宁一样，认识到无产阶级阶级意识的生成就是让理论形态的阶级意识成为工人的日常心理，但在如何生成无产阶级阶级意识上，卢卡奇一度诉诸历史自身的辩证发展，实际上堵塞了无产阶级阶级意识生成的现实路径。柯尔施强调阶级意识对于阶级行动的依赖，认为现实中的无产阶级意识只是无产阶级革命实践在思想上或理论上的反映。他反对列宁的“没有革命的理论就没有革命的实践”的论断。葛兰西剖析了知识分子与阶级意识的内在关联，突出了知识分子的思想控制功能，深化了列宁的知识分子理论。早期西方马克思主义拓宽了无产阶级阶级意识启蒙的路径。围绕着列宁的灌输论，卢卡奇、柯尔施、葛兰西从现实和理想的关系上对其予以质疑或辩护。卢卡奇认为，历史总体可测，细节不可测，党必须通过灌输来促使历史总趋势朝着有利于无产阶级革命的方向发展。柯尔施认为，历史不可测，未来不能靠理论来构建，而是行动的结果，因此，灌输意味着乌托邦主义。葛兰西认为预见是意志对现实的积极干涉，无产阶级应该把意志灌输到历史，这就要对无产阶级进行文化启蒙，夺取文化领导权，实现从“运动战”到“阵地战”的战略转变。早期西方马克思主义凸显了政党和阶级意识的关系。它继承、发展了列宁关于阶级意识决定政党结构的思想，突出了政党与阶级意识的内在联系。卢卡奇把政党视为理性的阶级意识的感性显现。葛兰西以“精神”、“意志”来规定政党。柯尔施激烈反对列宁的政党理论，认为它只能导致意识形态专政。早期西方马克思主义在思考列宁政治哲学的过程中，既有继承和发展，也有偏离和修正，但其理论探索在总体上是积极的。早期西方马克思主义对列宁政治哲学的思考启示我们，各国在社会主义革命和建设中，必须把马克思列宁主义的普遍原理同本国的具体实际紧密结合起来，走具有本国特色的道路。 关键词：早期西方马克思主义；列宁；政治哲学；阶级意识

In this paper, in the perspective of class consciousness, around the proletarian revolutionary road, from theory and practice, general and special relationship, the integrate of early western marxist dialectics is analyzed, and then examines the early western marxism in the social consciousness, class consciousness, the proletarian consciousness of enlightenment and the proletarian party the depth of the four level of Lenin's political philosophy thinking, analyzes the early western marxism and Lenin's political philosophy in the relation and distinction between the above problems. This paper argues that lukacs, cole and gramsci early western marxist criticism or approval of Lenin's thought, also consider refers to marxism-leninism dialectical materialism or mechanical materialism, have fought against the concrete road generalization of the Russian revolution, have tried to open up gives a different from the October revolution, suitable for actual special path of proletarian revolution in Western Europe, and to the theory of explanation and demonstration. Through summing up the experience of the failure of the proletarian revolution in Western Europe, they believe in Western Europe is different from Russia's tight control of bourgeois ideology, therefore, the proletariat revolution must first break through the bourgeois ideological line, form the class consciousness of the proletariat. The early western marxism holds the theory and practice, the subject and object, the political society and the civil society in the general dialectics. Lukach reconstructed historical materialism with the concept of "subject - object", and fully explored Lenin's main idea of agency. With regard to the relationship between theory and practice, lukacs detailed the principles of concrete analysis of Lenin's specific problems with historicism. Kohlsch ascribed the theory to practice in one way and the theory of practice to reality. By reanalyzing civil society, gramsci extended the connotation of Lenin's theory of state, and put "consent" and "dictatorship" in parallel. Early western marxism reconsidered the nature and function of social consciousness. Lukac and gramsci directly linked the "rationalization of production" with the ideological and cultural ethics, and extended Lenin's criticism of the Taylor system from an economic perspective. Gramsci, in turn, regarded science as an ideology, highlighting the social construction function of culture. However, they did not distinguish the application of science and science as Lenin did, and showed the tendency of negating science to varying degrees while opening the critique of technical rationality. Early western marxism extended the content of class consciousness. Lukacs Lenin about class and class consciousness is unity and disunity discussion on former capitalist society, and the Lenin "self-awareness" of the working class and the distinction between "theory" further explicit, put forward two existing forms of proletarian class consciousness: psychological consciousness and class consciousness. He like Lenin, realize the generation of the proletarian class consciousness is to make the theory of class consciousness among workers in the form of daily psychological, but on how to generate a proletarian class consciousness, lukacs once resorting to its own dialectical development history, in fact blocked the proletarian class consciousness generated path of reality. Colch stresses the dependence of class consciousness on class action, and thinks that the proletarian consciousness in reality is only the reflection of the proletarian revolutionary practice in thought or theory. He objected to Lenin's assertion that "there is no revolution in theory without revolution". Gramsci dissected the inner link between intellectuals and class consciousness, highlighted the intellectual control function of intellectuals, and deepened Lenin's theory of intellectuals. Early western marxism broadened the path of proletarian consciousness enlightenment. Surrounded by the indoctrinization of Lenin, lukic, kirsch and gramsci questioned or defended it in relation to reality and ideal. Lukacs believes that history can be measured in general and the details are unpredictable, and that the party must instil the general trend of history in the direction of the proletarian revolution. The future cannot be built by theory, but by the result of action, says colch, so inculpation means utopianism. Gramsci that foresee the will of reality actively intervene, the proletariat should put into history, will it for proletarian cultural enlightenment, taking cultural leadership, implementation from "warfare" to "trench warfare" strategic shift. Early western marxism highlighted the relationship between political parties and class consciousness. It inherits and develops Lenin's idea of class consciousness to decide party structure, and emphasizes the inner connection between party and class consciousness. Lukacs saw the political party as an emotional manifestation of the rational class consciousness. Gramsci provided the party with "spirit" and "will". Colch vehemently opposed Lenin's party theory, arguing that it could only lead to an ideological dictatorship. In the process of thinking of Lenin's political philosophy, early western marxism has both inherited and developed and deviated and amended, but its theoretical exploration is positive in general. Early western marxist political philosophy of Lenin's thinking enlightenment to us, all countries in the socialist revolution and construction, must take the universal truth of marxism-leninism with the country's closely combining the actual, walk the road with its own national characteristics. Keywords: early western marxism; Lenin; Political philosophy; Class consciousness