晚清末年，“固川保藏”“保川图藏”“安边保藏”“安边筹藏”“保藏固川”“固边图藏”等表述，在围绕四川、川边（旧称康区6639488）和西藏的稳固与安全的讨论中频繁出现，一度成为西南边疆大吏与清中枢往来奏牍的核心或热点。晚清政府对于西藏和川边的关注，从最初的维护领土不致丢失的“保藏”目的到力图经营图强的“图藏”和“筹藏”目标，从以四川为基地和出发点到以四川以西、西藏与四川、云南之间的川边为后援，而川边也因此从川藏之间的时常“梗阻”的“通道”变为“保藏”“筹藏”环节中的重要区域，对于西藏的经营也从原来更为保守的“保藏固川”或“固川保藏”“保川图藏”到“安边保藏”“安边筹藏”，晚清中枢对于西藏、川边和四川关系及经营图谋策略的改变，奠定了后世尤其是民国时期以至于直到今天对西藏及周边藏区筹划经营所着重采取的“筹藏安康”政策策略的认识基础。

川边，特指今四川与云南、西藏、青海交界处的藏族地区，现大部在四川省甘孜藏族自治州辖地。唐代以降，中央王朝开始在这一地区设土司，实行羁縻统治。至晚清因形势改变，于该区域内进行大规模的改土归流，将其纳入中央王朝的直接统一管辖。

晚清王朝是在内外交困、藩篱渐失、西南边患日益严峻的形势下，为加强西南边防，思谋川边的整治。并随着国际国内局势的变化，逐步深化对川边的认识。在清中枢对西南边防的总体谋划中，川边逐渐从原来的区区川藏通道变得举足轻重，最终被抬至援藏基地的地位。在于西藏设省不成的情形之下，转而注重对川边经营，以图筹边援藏、固川保藏。

在这一过程中，时任川滇边务大臣的赵尔丰在清末川边经营中，扮演着重要的施政者角色[赵从光绪三十一年（1905）六月进入川边，宣统三年（1911）六月回到成都，前后经边七年，实际在边四年（光绪三十一年六月到三十二年十月，三十四年八月到宣统三年六月）]。赵尔丰以捐纳出身，由建昌道员而炉边善后督办，升为川滇边务大臣，护理四川总督，继而又升为驻藏大臣兼川滇边务大臣，专任川滇边务大臣，最后又调任四川总督。在边因功而被清廷封为钦命头品顶戴、尚书衔、武勇巴图鲁，被当时川边人称为钦差。伴随着清王朝对境内羁縻间接统治之区进行大规模改流变为直接统治的潮流，赵尔丰以武力为前导、“恩威并施”进入川边，并在短短七年时间内，把川边诸土司之地改土归流，改由原来的羁縻间接统治，为以“军府之制，督地方之责”的川滇边务大臣为象征的中央直接管辖。同时，在全国“新政”浪潮之下，图划川边的自谋利益和自保利权，施行屯垦、开矿、通商、修路架桥、畅通道路、架设邮路等新政措施；兴学易俗以儒家文化同化川边，意图“开化固边”。

赵尔丰在川边推行改土归流，实行“新政”，改变了川边的政治状况，使近代意义的川边经济开发和文化教育从空白到缓慢起步，在边七年给川边所带来的变化是该地区历史上最大、最彻底的一次改变，可以说也是近代川边藏区社会、政治、经济、文化变革的起点和最高峰。在当时国力衰弱、内忧外患十分严重的情况下，赵尔丰在川边的措施，有力地促进了晚清中枢对西藏的管辖，同时也起到了抵御英俄窥视藏地的作用。

今人考察康区之地方实业、现代教育、医疗等之滥觞，无不追溯到赵尔丰时代。赵尔丰在清末几年对川边的强力推行新政，是全国各地新政浪潮的共同推动的结果，唯一不同的是赵尔丰在川边的新政，是没有建立在任何社会经济发展的基础上，是完全的移植加上武力为后盾的进入，赵尔丰在川边的新政若是放在全国范畴里，只是一个组成部分，而且看起来似乎还不是太重要的一部分，6639489然而若是把赵尔丰的新政与川藏地区的改土归流、政治改革以及放在西南边防的角度，其意义就大不一样，更是与同时代的驻藏大臣们的拖延、急思退回形成了鲜明的对比。在英人紧逼之时，驻藏大臣文海在成都拖延不进，讨价还价并夹带私怨，不顾国家大局，与成都将军一起报复川督鹿传霖；裕钢则面对英人的所谓商谈视而不见，但等新的驻藏大臣有泰的上任，而深受恩宠的有泰在还没有真正接触藏事，就知难而退，不愿进藏，即使最后不得不入藏，也不思如何为国分忧，天天与友人赏景唱和度日。6639490把赵尔丰与其同时代或稍早时代的诸位驻藏大臣们的不顾大局、急谋脱身的情形相比，若用“鞠躬尽瘁” “一心筹谋边藏”等词汇评述之，一点也不为过。

对于这一段历史，过去史学家及政策研究者主要从评价赵尔丰施政角度进行研究。因着政治背景、意识形态及不同阶段学者所关注的问题不同，而又不同态度与看法。而后又有一些为了解决今天藏区治理的现实问题，从历史经验教训总结的角度进行研究。近几年国外一些年轻的学者，兴起了利用地缘边疆政治学、新清史理论及研究方法，重新看待和解读这一段史实的热潮。6639491

一 有关赵尔丰评价问题

赵尔丰在进入川边之前署四川永宁道时就已有“赵屠夫”的称号，1905年进入川边也是伴着武力，巴塘“七村沟血案”以及随后的征伐乡城桑披岭寺的善后措施，使赵尔丰在川边树立起威信的同时，也在川边僧俗心目中留下了深深的印记。民元鼎革之时，又因是被代表新生的力量所格杀，成为“晚清王朝的殉葬品”。“赵屠夫”的声名与“镇压革命者”这一印记成为后世研究者和经边者们，对赵尔丰及其经边，或歌之或怒之，进行思想纠结的根源。

因意识形态、政治语境、时代背景以及各个时代学术研究所关心问题不同等诸多因素的影响，对于赵尔丰及其川边经营的评价，不同时代、不同语境、不同视角各有不同；大致归纳至少有四个时段、四个视角，即晚清时期的中枢、同僚的官方视角，下属与民众的视角；被改流地区普通藏民视角、土司及喇嘛僧侣视角、西藏上层视角；同时代英国等国外的视角等；北洋军阀时期及民国期间的学者与治边者视角；民主改革后直至20世纪80年代之前的革命者视角；20世纪80年代之后的历史唯物主义论者的所谓客观视角，等等。大致梳理一下，从清王朝灭亡1911年算起到今天（2013年）,102年的时间里，对于清末赵尔丰的川边经营认识，经历了至少四个不同的时段：北洋政府时期、民国政府直接统治时期、民国地方军阀统治时期以及新中国成立民主改革后四个时段。民主改革后又可以分为20世纪80年代前与之后两个时期。

赵尔丰时代的藏族人对其敬之畏之，或歌之6639492或恨之；清中枢则仰仗之支持之，除此之外，“别无可简之人，可用之才”；四川内地人则讥讽之为“赵屠夫”。民元以后，经边者敬之仰之；解放后民主改革到80年代，持基本否定态度；80年代之后，则逐渐肯定其川边经营之抵御列强目的。

具体看，晚清时期各地所办的报纸及国内的舆论界基本上对赵在川边的行动持肯定态度。尤其是创办于1904年的《四川官报》，经常有关于川边的捷报或新闻。6639493这些报道或新闻虽从官方角度看赵尔丰在川边的政绩，其初衷和目的与吴嘉谟教巴塘学生唱欢迎赵帅歌一样，不免有粉饰的性质，但确实也能反映出赵尔丰在川边的经营给川边所带来的积极效果。

四川省内地人评赵尔丰可用当时流行于民间的一副对联来表现：“凤老子称了多年，舞爪张牙，威声不减赵屠户；狗奴才也有今日，粉身碎骨，报应还看沈耽娃。”6639494“喂，别哭，赵道台来了！”“在五十年前，古兰人经常这样地骇住了小孩子的啼哭。”6639495赵尔丰在任叙永道台时因“剿苗沟”杀人三千，而被当地人称为“屠户”，由此在四川得“赵屠户”之名。

从清政府的角度，清季藏事紧急，朝廷急需一位具有雄才大略、远见卓识而又不畏险苦的大臣经营川边，援助西藏以图藏事。赵尔丰在川边的一切经营活动及主张措施等，则使朝廷能够逐步实现图谋藏事之解决的宏大规划，因而朝廷在短短的七年时间内屡委以重任，加以崇衔，得诏谕：“朝廷苦心筹画，斟酌至再，舍此别无可筹之策，亦别无可简之人。”6639496朝廷对赵尔丰之倚重由此可见。然而，赵尔丰并未因此而得群臣交口赞誉，相反，却被一些中枢大臣称为做事操之过急，甚至为“孟浪”求功。不过中枢机关军处机、外务部却认可赵尔丰在川边的经营效果，认为赵的“频年惨淡经营俾川边一带群知向化，藏事亦赖底定”6639497。其兄赵尔巽认为：“至川边布置经营数年，自炉关以至察木多纵横数千里，蛮民安居乐业，不复有前此战争兵革之苦，声教所及，倾心向化。”6639498同为谋划川藏事宜的驻藏大臣联豫对赵尔丰送川军入藏及在边的声名也言“番众慑其声威，用能使拉里以东，风鹤无警”6639499。赵尔丰的老部下刘赞廷评价赵尔丰在“边地吏治成绩，比于川中。比边务大臣中之始绩也。……然尔丰为中国开拓疆土至数千里，其功不仅在一代”6639500。

外国人评论赵尔丰“不像大多数满洲贵族那样，他兼备勇敢、诚实和忠心——尽管无情——却不计较个人的困苦。……倡导了有关行政、经济、土地和赋税的广泛改革，他废除了乌拉劳役……”6639501。当时在四川成都市的一位英国官员评论他：“尽管由于他声称喜欢大规模处决……然而他却享有一个公正的个人声誉……是一位个性不寻常的人，至今（1922年）西藏东部对他既正直公道又厉害仍记忆犹新。”6639502

辛亥鼎革，赵尔丰成了清王朝的殉葬品，被杀于蓉城，川边的文治武功也随人亡而政息，继之的北洋政府及民国政府先后在川边设经略使、镇守使、镇委会，图谋对川边的进一步经营。这时，进入川边着手川边治理的一大批人开始围绕现实问题，研究、探讨赵尔丰经边的经验教训，收集赵尔丰经边时的资料。然而面对着与汉区完全不同的民族文化氛围，新的经边者们感到乱而无序，由此而对赵尔丰时代的经边产生今非昔比的景仰态度，大有“不胜今昔之感”6639503。

民国时期，赵尔丰及其在川边的施政措施，几乎被当时人们作为研究和开发川边不容忽视的，甚至是必不可少的、可资借鉴的镜子。然而民国时的研究者们或曰关注者们都是从经世致用的目的出发，或者准确地说是从内地中央王朝政权对民族地区实施有效统治的角度出发来进行探讨的，他们叹息川边又变回了他们原来的本来面目，感叹赵尔丰的能力及个性非时任经边者们可以对比。康区的复杂形势更令民国时的历届经边者手足无措。学者和经边者从国家治理的角度，一方面吸取赵尔丰经边的教训以利川边经营措施的更加完善；另一方面又总结赵尔丰经边的经验以针砭时弊。6639504尤其是对比昔日赵尔丰在川边的威令言行和当时的经边主帅者们的作为，莫不感叹良多。从政治、经济、文化教育、军事等方面分析今非昔比的原因，以供川边当政者采纳，以促进川边的进一步发展。有人称清季赵尔丰时期是西康教育之黄金时代；6639505有人称赵尔丰身死蓉城是“经营康藏史上之一大损失也”6639506；等等。整体来说，民国时期图谋经边者对赵尔丰是持肯定态度的，目的是吸其之长、补己之短。甚至有人提倡并仿效赵尔丰时代的措施，如蒋君章、余松琳等人曾吸收赵尔丰改革川边乌拉差役制度章程的有关内容，制定了乌拉改革及牧运公司的章程。6639507

民国时期，川边藏人仍有以“赵尔丰来了！”作为吓唬不听话小孩的专门语言；6639508也有乡城等地民众把赵尔丰当菩萨供奉；6639509有称之为“刚正廉明，能耐劳苦”,“至今川边老人，无不如此称道赵氏”6639510。有把赵尔丰改土归流所设汉官与藏官相比，形成藏族谚语：“最坏之汉官，优于最好之藏官。”6639511直接歌颂赵尔丰的词句直到20世纪40年代仍然有人会传唱，民国年间（20世纪40年代）深入边地的永和根据调查期间已经50多岁的藏人的传唱，记起该首歌谣，6639512虽然是由清末学务局总办吴嘉谟编就命学生歌唱的对赵尔丰的溢美之词，但时隔30多年，当地人仍然能够传唱的情况，在一定程度上反映了巴塘人对赵尔丰的复杂感情。只是时代去今远矣，无法深入探明。

民主改革后，对于晚清最后几年发生在川藏地区的这一段历史，由于意识形态等原因，在很长一段时间内，被作为特殊区域的特殊历史和敏感话题，学者们通常采取小心慎言的态度，甚至是不愿或不敢涉及。因此，与民国时期对晚清川边经营极力推崇和研究者众多形成鲜明对比的是，民主改革后直到20世纪80年代，由于意识形态以及对已经覆灭的封建王朝的定性问题，前后几乎有30年时间，再也无人提及赵尔丰，即使偶有提及，也是把之作为封建王朝的卫道士和垂死挣扎者。研究上基本是处于空白期，态度上也是完全否定的。正如离晚清川边经营时代较近的冯有志6639513所言“囿于环境，不读一书，不写一字者三十余年”6639514。直到20世纪80年代，人们才又重新提笔回忆往事。这时对赵尔丰及其在川边的评价基本上是先以批判为主，最后才对他在经济、文化等方面的建设进行肯定，持这种评价态度的包括赵尔丰时代的受益者如格桑群觉6639515及赵尔丰在川边时的老部下如刘鼎彝6639516等。学术界思想解放的结果，开始有学者重新研究清末赵尔丰川边经营问题，1986年冯有志在编写《西康史遗拾》时记：赵尔丰经边“只有七年，但因他立志经边，锐意经营，时间虽短，建树颇多，把沉睡千年，宛如一潭死水的边境，搅得沸腾万丈，百故鼎新”6639517。对赵尔丰其人的评说，也不再坚持以前所持否定的趋向，转而趋于彰显其治理川边地区的政绩。6639518

到20世纪90年代，为了加强对西藏问题及四川藏区有效治理问题，一些学者回到民国年间“阅古知今”的传统，又重新从历史中寻找治理边藏的经验教训，如四川省民族研究所李绍明等回顾与梳理清末赵尔丰经边的历史基础上，提出“稳藏必先安康”6639519；以杨嘉铭为代表的康定师范专科学校专门成立了“甘孜州政治稳定与经济发展研究”课题组，对“安康”问题的由来与发展进行研究。66395201999年，作者本人以“清季川边经营”为题作为博士论文，深入探讨赵尔丰川边经营的背景、具体措施以及在筹边援藏、固川保藏过程中与中枢及其他川藏边臣之间关系等，把赵尔丰经边与晚清局势与西南边防、西藏新政等联系起来思考，对于赵尔丰的经边给予全面论述。6639521

与20世纪八九十年代对于清末边藏经营的研究尚存在着小心谨慎的态度不同的是，进入21世纪，国内学者更多地或从国家治理或从推动藏区现代化角度，正面肯定赵尔丰的川边经营效果。6639522还有些学者在对其进行定性的探讨，不过多数是从其川边施政一个侧面进行探讨6639523，时至今日，也涌现了一大批硕士、博士以清末边藏经营或者其中某一施政措施为题的博士、硕士论文。6639524

二 不同的视角与范式

对赵尔丰及清末川边经营的评价，不同时代的学者、川边经营及其施政者，基于时代变化而呈现出不同态度的同时，也存在着因研究范式的改变而带来的研究旨趣与角度的变化。如国内有学者把清末的川边经营纳入晚清权力格局中进行探讨。6639525台湾学者冯明珠则从梳理中英西藏交涉历史出发，把清末赵尔丰及川边土司的改土归流，作为中英交涉影响结果的一个方面进行考察。6639526与研究范式变化相关，有从民族国家建构的角度进行探讨清末川藏新政，如扎洛对张荫棠西藏新政的分析等。6639527

与此同时，西方视角研究范式的变化更是明显。从早期以荣赫鹏（Francies Younghusband）为自己入侵拉萨的合理性做辩解；查尔斯·贝尔对西藏之过去与现在的认识；彼得·霍普柯克对闯入世界屋脊的人的梳理以及彼得·弗莱明回顾英国侵入西藏的历史等，6639528到20世纪80年代的加拿大学者谭·戈伦夫从英国入侵拉萨引起晚清王朝对西南边防（西藏）警觉的角度，提到了赵尔丰、张荫棠等在川边及西藏的改革，肯定了清末边藏经营的效果，等等。6639529这些研究基本与国内的研究一样，都是基于历史史实的传统史观下的叙事角度。虽然也有不同的视角，一如史伯林对赵尔丰的评论，6639530等等。

由于康区对外开放时间晚（1998年），西方学者能够进入康区（川边）做实际调研及口述的研究较晚，此前的国外藏学研究的主要区域集中在西藏，6639531随着四川藏区的对外开放，越来越多的国外学者有机会进入康区进行田野口述调查，最关键的是国内学者也越来越多地有到国外学习的机会，有些在国外取得博士学位获得研究职位，转换分析视角，用西方的学术分析体系及话语，重新看待清末川边经营这一段历史时，尤其是最近几年，在美国兴起的新清史运动的影响下，分析清末川边经营历史，得出了与以往国内外史学家都完全不同的看法。

1998年夏威夷大学的William的硕士论文《书写藏族历史：中西史学有关封建主义和农奴制度的讨论》6639532，以巴塘为例解读川边历史。实际把新清史方法运用于川边研究的典型代表是王秀玉，2011年王在其2006年博士论文基础上出版了《中国最后的帝国边疆：晚清在川藏边境的扩张》6639533，采用新清史研究的“帝国”概念，考察川边地方势力与官方的关系，然而过分强调地方视角和帝国概念，使该文的分析有点脱离实际。玉珠措姆在《近代中国》上发表了《驯服康巴：民国时对康区的建构》一文6639534，对民国时期以任乃强为代表的川藏历史研究者等叙述策略进行了讨论，以说明康区是如何被建构出来的。这几位学者深受“族群理论” “帝国主义理论”以及“边缘”和“区域”视角的深刻影响。

新清史有关民族认同和多元文化、性别、帝国和殖民主义、战争和军事文化、地区和仪礼、公共和私人空间以及物质文化视角的基本特点，强调重视少数民族文字及地方视角，其研究理路与视角对中国传统史学研究造成了一定的冲击。然而这些研究在国外主要是一些重要的学术性问题，运用到中国则会涉及某些敏感的现实性问题。6639535国外学者最近几年有关晚清川边的研究很清楚地显示了这种现实性冲击。虽然目前国内外的学者也在致力于把“解说新边缘理论用于‘藏边’研究”，提出以朝圣、族群与文化认同政治、族群观光、教育与认同构建、宗教、仪式与社会变迁、帝制与民国时期历史、地方王权体系（朝贡与朝圣）等多元化主题作为切入点，以其实践性、社区关怀、现代性、历史性与表征性，从而淡化中国现实问题的敏感性。6639536但其强调汉藏边缘研究的跨区域性走向的同时，意在凸显康区和安多在汉藏关系史上的能动性，对帝国、国家与族群边界构建的重要作用，以及在一些大的历史进程中，这些区域的历史与文化内在部分是由当地人自己构建的，而不是完全靠外部势力的强加。6639537带着强调“地方性知识”和“批评性地方学”的一些特点，以自下而上的基层观点，批评传统藏学的主流历史框架，对地方政治与文化的进行不同于传统史学的再阐释。6639538

最近几年最有分量的有关20世纪早期川藏问题研究的成果当数芝加哥大学李浩同（Scott Relyea）的博士论文《定睛青藏高原：20世纪初主权与中国国家权利的扩张》，李浩同把清末川边经营与随后民元时期的川藏地方变化一同考虑，放大了川边改土归流的影响及历史图景，提出应突破川边经营的反应——抵御视角，而应从地方、国家和全球化三个视角考察。6639539

若顺着国外的地缘政治学或新清史研究理路，在全球视野中解读晚清川边，则可能会陷入国外学者对新疆问题研究的路径“将新疆视为清帝国于18世纪中期领土扩张的结果，并指出新疆是清朝、俄国和中亚共同竞争的对象，这种‘研究成果’不仅在学术上是错误的，而且在实践上又为国外某些支持泛突厥主义提供了借口”。6639540这不仅是一个值得担心的政治问题，更会为现实问题的解决增加复杂性。

边缘研究新范式对于学术活跃的推动无疑是有益的，然而就“经世致用”的角度，还是回复到传统史学看待清末川边西藏治理问题，更能够体现为相关现实问题的解决学术研究价值。正如阿来写作《瞻对：终于融化的铁疙瘩——一个两百年的康巴传奇》6639541的意图一样，“写的是历史题材，但它要回答今天的问题”，用作家的眼睛，关注冲突和现实。通过写作有助于现实矛盾的解决。与文学家通过创作讽喻现实一样，研古鉴今也是史学家们当负之责任。

三 回到地方视角

笔者在研读爬梳了清末中枢与边藏大臣们的来往奏牍官文之后，一直思考运用地方视角，试图了解当地百姓是如何看待这段历史的。2006年委托李茂（雀丹）先生在甘孜各个寺庙高僧及代表人士中所做的口述调查，现实而又生动地反映了新清史学者们所强调的地方适应大的历史进程的能动性。

道孚县惠圆寺活佛尼麦兰木加（副县长）谈道：

赵尔丰嘛，我们康巴人从小没有一个人没有听说过他的名字的。特别是那个外号“赵屠夫”，一说都知道的，我们小时候不听话，大人们一说赵屠夫来了，小孩子都不敢再哭叫了。他的厉害我们从小就知道，也是从小就把他恨之入骨的。后来，我参加了工作，当了副县长，县人大副主任，开会学习多了，对赵尔丰也历史地有了一些了解，他虽然是封建制度的一位忠臣和走狗，但是，他对国家的统一和守固边疆，付出了极大的牺牲，他在康巴地区倡导的教育改革，设置布防都是对国家和民族的根本利益相关的好事情。所以，我们从前对他的看法，现在我是有了不同的观点和立场的。中国人民解放军进军西藏时，就一帆风顺吗？不，仍然会有许多反动势力的阻碍，你不清除掉，能前进吗？所以，杀人要看是为什么杀人，杀的又是些什么人。当然也会有杀错的，但必须历史地去分析当时的具体情况才对，不要轻易就下结论。

这个访谈很有代表性和典型性，甘孜民众从民间口传了解了赵尔丰的杀人如麻的本性，听闻者除了心惊胆战之外，情感上不可避免地生出一种仇视和仇恨。然而随着视野的扩大，转而生出更宏大的胸怀和历史的眼光，从而逐渐会改变原来的思想认识。

又如甘孜寺活佛香根（县人大副主任）谈道：

赵尔丰在我们甘孜就更是一个有名的历史人物。我们是从小就听老人们常讲的是一个杀人不眨眼的魔鬼和妖怪，就是今天有些小孩子不听话，老人们都说再不听话，再哭我去把赵屠夫喊来先割你耳朵，小孩子都会害怕的，可想他在我们康巴人民心目中的形象是如何。我在寺庙中时才几岁，就听说赵尔丰这个赵屠夫，杀害过很多喇嘛和尚，就像是一个魔鬼，既恨他也很怕他，生怕他历史上还没有真正地死掉，万一哪天在寺庙中出现，真吓死人的。后来长大了，参加工作，走了不少地方去学习，开会也多了，对历史和历史人物也有点研究，我对这个杀人狂不是老人们所说的那么的可怕和仇恨。听说赵尔丰来康巴地区时，英帝国主义正侵入我们的西藏，若康区失守，西藏就会有大麻烦，他是来固守边疆的将领，而且从他来康区的设防和倡导的文化教育，从今天的眼光来看，他是很有改革开放眼光的人。至于杀人也要看是在什么情况下，杀的是什么人应具体分析，当然和平环境下杀错人少，在混乱时期杀错人是多的，这也不奇怪的。

色达县五明佛学院僧人多尔吉和尚谈道：

赵尔丰这个人在康巴地区是很有名的人，经文中我虽然没有看到过他的记载，但在一些藏文文史和文献中我见过对他的有些记载。在民间当然有不少关于他的传说和评论，这些谁是谁非，我也不懂。不过，我认为，赵尔丰这个人我有三点评论：第一不管他是借口或是撞上了机会的，总之当英帝国主义入侵西藏这是一个历史的事实，赵尔丰来康区是以治藏安康的招牌，而且他所行之实也是为国家民族的安危出发，这一点我们不能否认，所以，以阶级观念和立场，不承认赵尔丰是为国家统一民族的根本利益出发，只是一个封建制度下杀人不眨眼的魔鬼来看他我是不赞成的。第二赵尔丰在治藏安康和安康筹藏过程中，无论从地方设置、剿灭土匪、提倡国学、培养人才、布防武备等多方面，为我们今天的治理藏区，都是具有积极意义的，这一点上我们必须承认他的进步一面，不能以什么封建人物、杀人成性去否定他。第三是赵尔丰的杀人，既要历史地分析和评论，也要从他错误的本质上去剖析，在这个问题上，千万不可一种倾向掩盖另一种倾向。赵尔丰的杀人，如果能自我谨慎，是非分明，我看不至于他死后就一切政绩毁灭。这正说明他是靠杀人来维护统治的典型。这就是说赵尔丰杀人有错误，他过于相信武力的弹压，而伤害了人民的心，这也是他失败的根本原因。据我调查他杀僧人是第一个遭到广大人民群众反感的事，他这个人失去民心也在这一点上。

多尔吉和尚颇有见地，可谓完美地运用了马列主义的历史观，思辨性地谈到赵尔丰的功过与历史影响。

丹巴县墨尔多神山自生塔宗教人士穹山兰木卡谈道：

赵尔丰我们都知道他，我今年七十多岁，几岁时就听老年人讲他的故事，他是清朝时的驻藏大臣，是一个将军。他杀人很得行，我解放初入伍参军，解放军的首长给我们讲话都说，今天的解放军不是清朝时的赵尔丰那个赵屠夫，我们是人民的子弟兵，是人民的儿子，绝不是来杀人民的军队。这就说明赵尔丰这个人是杀了不少的人，而且是杀了人民的人。后来我学了文化，转业在丹巴云母矿当工会主席，从很多文献上了解了赵尔丰这个人，我才知道了他的一些事情。我对他的看法有两点。一是他为了在川边藏区实行“改土归流”，虽然搞大汉族主义，确实有些太过火的行为，伤害了康巴地区人民的感情，但在当时确实稳定了这里的局势，不仅受到清政府赞许，也遏制了英帝国主义的嚣张。这点上我们说他为国家民族是有功的事情。二是他不仅不懂民族心理和地方风俗文化，而且改土归流是很不彻底的，他偏听偏信，听不进反面意见和好的建议，是一个独断专行的人，所以他的过急、偏执带来的是他人死政灭，复旧势力立马还复了旧制，这不能不说是一个惨痛的教训，这与他靠杀人维护统治是分不开的关系。

这种对赵尔丰的认知途径也一定程度上反映了民主改革前后以及20世纪80年代前后对这段历史及历史人物的评判标准与态度。

塔公寺喇嘛巴登谈道：

不管怎么说，我对赵尔丰这个人是不改变看法的，我认为你不管是为了国家的统一和边疆的固守有多大的功劳，你对地方老百姓毫无疼爱，动不动就以杀人来维护自己的统治是不对的。据老人们的传说，赵尔丰这个人把一切不同意他观点的人都视为仇敌，说他当年杀人是不分男女老幼，不分僧人和俗人的。这样的将军，这样的大臣能真正治国安邦吗？他们的杀人成性是由本质所决定的，就是没有英帝国主义入侵西藏，他们也是会杀人不眨眼的。例如，乾隆皇帝时的金川之役，很明显是土司家族的纠纷，四川地方官员的腐败无能和调解错误，而把事态扩大成土司的反叛朝廷，就是在清史中至今都可查得到，大金土司在行刑前都再三诉说我没有反抗大皇帝，是心不好的土司和官员们心不好而加害我……可是，清兵进攻金川把金川百分之七十的人民杀害，两金川河面尸漂如流木，他们杀人民是绝不手软的。所以，现在有些人以抗英入侵和治藏安康的提法来掩盖赵尔丰的杀人我是不赞成的。对他倡导国学，就是提倡教学汉语文和办教育有功，甚至引进技术，包括藏汉通婚、移民屯垦的做法，是有进步意义的壮举，我一点都不否认的。不要把这些政见和施政上的明智之举，同封建制度本质视人民、视边疆少数民族为牲畜的观点相混在一起。古往今来的统治者，向来对宗教都是敬崇保护的，而赵尔丰却从僧人头上开刀，从寺庙上下手，这对一个封建王朝的大臣而言的行为准则说得过去吗？难道这是他的改革和开拓精神？我看这才是奠定了他死而灭绩的根本原因。一个根本没有人民和社会基础的人他是不会成就事业的。

巴登一语道破了赵尔丰川边经营人亡政息的根源：“一个根本没有人民和社会基础的人他是不会成就事业的”，与唯物史观颇为相合。

本书无意于观照各个视角以及全面勾勒赵尔丰其人，对其本人或对其在川边措施进行再评价，更不是对赵尔丰本人形象做历史性建构6639542，只想还历史本来面目，立足于其川边经营的具体背景及其措施，意在通过对清中枢与边藏大臣们之间来往奏牍与官文的研读，透过还原赵尔丰在川边的经营历史，探讨清季中枢和西南的边疆大吏们，如丁宝桢、鹿传霖、锡良、赵尔丰、联豫、张荫棠等人筹划西南边防、稳固西藏的情况，以及在赵尔丰“新政”下川边社会、政治、文化变化的情况。正如冯有志编写《西康史拾遗》目的：记述“自赵季和1905年以来……西康社会，由静转动，由羁縻放任，进为策划管理，由此产生西康人和事的变化的原因及结果，达到恢复我们研究历史的最终目的”6639543。

川边经营策略是如何形成的，这些政策又是如何具体实施的，有关改土归流、设治、筹建行省等系列边藏经营活动又是如何推动并发展着晚清政府的川边策略的。边臣及清中枢之间对于各种措施及思想又是如何交错甚至彼此之间又是如何斡旋或掣肘的。同时川边的系列新政又是如何在“新”“旧”杂糅之中，既表现为封建王权政治文化的遗留与延续，又包含相当分量的现代政治经济文化的萌芽，对当时、当地以及后世治藏经边者的启示等，则是本书力图表达的内容。即致力于还原并透析清季川边经营的历史背景、谋划韬略和实施展开，寓分析于历史事实的陈述之中，以求言有所据，在些微处裨益于当世。

四 主要内容与叙事框架

本书除前言与结语外，共有五章，分为三大部分。

第一大部分主要从晚清西南边疆危机以及西南边防意识的形成切入，以对丁宝桢督川十年（1876—1886）期间西南边防意识形成及其积极筹谋川藏边疆各项措施的分析开始，展示以川督丁宝桢为代表的晚清边疆大吏们关于西南边防思想形成的过程。西南边吏尤其川督是如何从最初的“固川保藏”，即通过稳固四川来固保西藏的边防意识，发展到川督锡良时代（1903—1907）的“筹边援藏”和“固边图藏”策略。也即由丁宝桢时代把四川作为固藏、保藏后方，发展到晚清末年，逐步把固藏保藏的后方前沿延伸到川藏交界的川滇边诸土司之地。通过在川藏之间的川边设立“以军府之制而任地方之责”的川滇边务大臣，提升川边行政地位、派驻川滇边务大臣，改土归流、施行新政，形成“筹边援藏”“固边图藏”之势，同时对西南之地四川和云贵总督进行超出常规的人事安排，从而把“川、滇、川边、藏联成一气”，不仅把川边纳入西南边防的整体之中，更形成固川、筹边与固边，以保固西藏、稳定西南的边防体系思想。

在这一部分中对晚清西南边防思想的形成过程、川边地位的提升以及筹边援藏策略的产生情况，进行细致梳理与深入分析。其中重点对丁宝桢的西南边防意识及措施、川边的西藏“飞地”——瞻对问题的由来，以及晚清中央及四川总督鹿传霖、锡良等谋划收瞻以稳边固藏的考虑进行探讨。同时对筹划边藏经营的驻藏帮办大臣凤全的巴塘被杀、清中央以此为契机逐步改川边土司羁縻为直接统治，为赵尔丰的川边改流和施行新政、全面经营边藏打开大门的背景及情况进行了分析。

第二大部分包括第二章和第三章，以“赵尔丰在川边经营”及“对其的分析”为主要内容，全面呈现赵尔丰的川边经营思想及策略的形成过程，以及与清中枢就边藏问题的互动情况。赵尔丰从光绪二十九年（1903）跟随川督锡良到四川，针对西南边防的危机局势提出“平康三策”；光绪三十二年（1906）被封为川滇边务大臣后，提出在川边开办设官、屯垦、兴学、练兵、开矿和通商事项，被称为“经边六事”。为更好地固边图藏，赵尔丰提出了拟在川边建立行省计划，并收回藏中控制46年的飞地——瞻对。两年后，在赵尔丰又被任命为驻藏大臣兼办边务时，把川边经营计划推及西藏变得顺理成章。然而，在整个川边经营过程中，清中枢与川边的实际经营者赵尔丰之间对经边措施、进藏时机以及川边与西藏关系的认识则不尽相同。最终因在先固边还是先稳藏的问题上的犹豫，以及前此在川边的武力挺进，使赵尔丰丧失和错失了进藏的最佳时机，最终被堵在西藏核心范围之外。该章重点梳理了清中枢与赵尔丰虽基于不同认识，但都计划把“边藏联为一气、统筹规划”的设想，是如何在各种问题交织下破灭的情形。

第三章“赵尔丰川边经营（下）”深入探讨赵尔丰的“经边六事”。为解决开边经费问题，移民垦边、征赋税、办实业、开矿场，以求自筹利益；为求自保利权，自铸银币、组建茶叶公司，并在“尺寸之土皆当早为经营”理念下收回西藏南部察隅一带地方；为了川边各项事务的顺利开展，不拘一格广揽人才，向中枢申请把原发配到新疆等边地的官吏改发川边，使其在服务川边中将功折过，以弥补和解决边才难寻的不足与困难；同时厚给薪资，及时请赏，使赴边服务人员皆尽犬马之力，有效地解决了川边经营的人才问题。“辟治道路”“安设店栈”，架电线、设邮路，以利交通，速文告。为固边而兴学易俗，为取民信而苏民困，取消川边民众的沉重负担——“乌拉”劳役；为稳固地方，筹练新军办巡警等，该章对以上六个方面进行了具体而深入的梳理与分析。

第三大部分包括第四章“清末川边经营分析”和第五章“清末边藏经营的经验教训与启示”两章内容。在第四章，作者把川边经营放在晚清西南边防部署总体框架中思考，厘清晚清政府把川边由川藏通道上升到援藏基地的认识变化过程。清中央政府在不时表现出对川边经营及藏事问题的重视与倾斜的摇摆不定中，却又始终是以藏事为重，这与具体经边者赵尔丰的认识存在着很大的不一致。中央与地方官吏在藏事与川边孰轻孰重的问题上意见差异以及来往不断的磋商与探讨，再加上清中央对待藏事问题的过于谨慎与优柔，导致最终错失了由边及藏，借川边之力加强西藏有效统治的机会。该章也对赵尔丰的川边经营效果进行了讨论，从清中央政府、同期其他地方督抚及边臣以及觊觎西藏的英人角度，分析得出川边经营对于稳固西南边防起到了积极作用；同时围绕“川边六事”而施行的新政措施对推动川边社会发生巨大变化起到了重要作用。虽“只有七年，但……把沉睡千年，宛如一潭死水的边境，搅得沸腾万丈，百故鼎新”6639544。最后把赵尔丰在川边的改土归流、施行新政等诸种措施，以及“以武力为前导”军事压服为主、“恩威并施”的策略，与查办藏事大臣张荫棠在西藏提出改革藏政策略进行对比。张荫棠在藏不到一年，提出了几乎与赵尔丰在川边一样的新政措施，却得到了西藏僧俗的接纳和欢迎，而赵尔丰的进藏却被西藏僧俗竭力反对，最后因弹劾而阻于西藏核心区域之外，两相对比，差异之大，令人难解。细究之下，不单纯是个性使然，更与进入途径、时事变迁、内外境遇不同有关，若假以时日，边藏经营是否会出现别样的后果或另一种可能，对此作者也进行了深入分析。

第五章“清末边藏经营的经验教训与启示”把清末川边改流与西藏的新政等问题放在一起思考，对边藏轰轰烈烈实施了几年的新政，在民元鼎革后瞬间人亡政息的原因进行了深入分析。

除三大部分外，前言和结语对研究成果内容及观点进行首尾呼应，使整个研究成果浑然一体。在结语部分重点总结了清末川边经营的经验，为在新时期如何把清末“川藏事同一体”“藏事乃边事”“川、边、滇、藏西南互犄之势”的认识经验，运用到今天长期建藏、谋求西藏及四省藏区的协调发展与长治久安，提供借鉴意义。

五 主要观点

国际环境与西南边防危机促使晚清政府采取措施加强对西藏及西南边地的治理与统治。计划在西藏建省，改变仅派驻藏大臣与西藏地方联合统治，到进行直接统治，然而此时的清中央政府难以有效掌控形势的发展。为了有效地稳固和保护西藏不被英国等外敌觊觎或侵占，川督及其他西南边吏们思考通过“固川”“筹边”“固边”等间接推及的形式，最终实现西藏的稳固。这正是今天我们提“稳藏必先安康”的思想之源。

在这个背景下，即晚清政府图谋藏政的过程中，曾经仅仅是进藏大道，且是土司统治的羁縻之地——川边，被清中央逐渐由一个川藏之间的通道地位，上升为援藏、保藏和固藏的重要后方基地。为了更好地发挥其援藏、保藏和固藏作用，不仅设立了“以军府之制，督地方之责”的川滇边务大臣，更在川边进行屯垦、开矿、兴学、易俗、通商、畅通交通等新政措施。通过利交通、速文告、兴学易俗来开化固边，通过苏民困来取民信，办巡警练新军，以求自筹利益、自保利权。同时更把四川、云南、贵州与川边和西藏连为一体，谋划西南边防尤其是西藏的稳固问题，为此进行了非同寻常的人事安排和调整，起到了有效的固藏、保藏作用，在当时引起了国外尤其是英国的高度重视。这种“川、滇、边藏联为一气”的西南一体的思考与策略，对于今天仍然具有一定的借鉴意义。

赵尔丰川边改土归流、施行新政是“新”“旧”杂糅，既有封建王权政治文化的遗留、延续，又包含了相当分量的现代政治经济文化的萌芽。其具体的施政尤其是不拘一格延揽人才，废除川边延续千年的沉重劳役——乌拉，开办新式学堂、开设药物局、修路架桥、开办民族实业、引进新式农作技术与耕具等，都是具有推动当地社会经济发展的实际措施，这也是民国时期及今日学者们探讨最多的方面。但另一方面，赵尔丰以武力为先导顺利进入川边，此后，也计划以驻藏大臣兼办边务的身份，以同样的“武力前导”“恩威并施”策略方式进入西藏，把川边施政推及西藏，然而由于清中央对于藏事的过于谨慎与优柔，筹边藏事务大臣之间因个人利益的嫌隙与掣肘，赵尔丰本身的思维惯性和眼光的局限，不得不中辍。

晚清政府对于藏事的国际交涉处处被动，与其内外交困、积重难返、国力衰微、无外交专门之学有很大的关系。同时晚清中枢对于西藏地方政府及西藏地方社会变化的“刻舟求剑”式惯性思维，未能及时清楚地洞察西藏地方社会的变化，也是使藏政不兴的主要原因。坚守祖制不放，家天下和血缘分封的老传统，也使封疆大吏走向末路。“新政”中“新面目”与“旧根基”之间的脱节、地方利益与国家权益的冲突、“以夏变夷”“以儒化佛”诸种措施及其诸种复杂矛盾的彼此扭结与冲突，不同民族文化传统之间的磨合与碰撞，都在边藏经营中纠葛着，最终因没有触及社会底层，缺乏社会支撑根基而人亡政息。

清末川边经营历史的清晰梳理，中央政府与地方边吏在具体施政上的分歧、彼此互动过程、筹谋边藏事务的内外矛盾与掣肘，诸多历史事实的全面展示，对于今天谋求长期建藏之策，西藏及四省藏区协调发展的目标都有很强的借鉴意义。

引文注释特别说明

四川省民族研究所《清末川滇边务档案史料》编辑组编：《清末川滇边务档案史料》（上、中、下）三册，中华书局1989年版，在引文注释中简称《清末川滇边务档案史料》。

中国藏学研究中心、中国第一历史档案馆、中国第二历史档案馆、西藏自治区档案馆、四川省档案馆合编：《元以来西藏地方与中央政府关系档案史料汇编》（1—7册），中国藏学出版社1994年版，在引文注释中简称《关系史料汇编》。

拉巴平措等主编，西藏学汉文文献汇刻，吴丰培编辑，赵慎应校对：《清代藏事奏牍》（上、下），中国藏学出版社1994年版。简称为吴丰培辑《清代藏事奏牍》。

〔澳〕骆惠敏编：《清末民初政情内幕——〈泰晤士报〉驻北京记者、袁世凯政治顾问乔·厄·莫里循书信集》上卷（1895—1912）和下卷（1912—1920），刘桂梁等译，知识出版社1986年版；简称《清末民初政情内幕》1895—1912年或1912—1920年。

In the late Qing Dynasty, expressions such as "Guchuan Preservation", "Baochuan Tuzang", "Anbian Preservation", "Anbian Collection", "Preservation of Guchuan" and "Gubian Tuzang" appeared frequently in discussions around the stability and security of Sichuan, Sichuan (formerly known as Kang District 6639488) and Tibet, and once became the core or hot spot of exchanges between officials in the southwestern frontier and the Qing central. The late Qing government's concern for Tibet and Sichuan changed from the initial "preservation" purpose of safeguarding the territory from being lost to the goal of "Tuzang" and "Collection" in an effort to operate and strengthen the country, from taking Sichuan as the base and starting point to taking Sichuan west of Sichuan and between Tibet and Sichuan and Yunnan as backup, and Sichuan and Yunnan as a backup, and Sichuan and Tibet changed from a "channel" that was often "obstructed" between Sichuan and Tibet to an important area in the links of "preservation" and "collection", and the operation of Tibet also changed from the original more conservative "preservation of Guchuan" or "preservation of Guchuan" and "preservation of Chuan Collection" and "preservation of Chuan Collection" In the late Qing Dynasty, the changes in the relations and business tactics of Tibet, Sichuanbian and Sichuan laid the foundation for the understanding of the policy and strategy of "raising Tibet and well-being" that later generations, especially during the Republic of China period and even today, focused on the planning and operation of Tibet and surrounding Tibetan areas. Sichuanbian refers to the Tibetan areas on the border between present-day Sichuan and Yunnan, Tibet, and Qinghai, and is now mostly under the jurisdiction of Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan Province. After the Tang Dynasty, the Central Dynasty began to set up tusi in this area and implement fetter rule. In the late Qing Dynasty, due to changes in the situation, large-scale land resettlement was carried out in the region, and it was brought under the direct unified jurisdiction of the Central Dynasty. In the late Qing Dynasty, under the situation of internal and external difficulties, the gradual loss of barriers, and the increasingly severe troubles in the southwest, the late Qing Dynasty planned to strengthen the defense of the southwestern border and plan to rectify the river. And with the changes in the international and domestic situation, gradually deepen the understanding of the riverside. In the overall planning of the southwestern border defense by the Qing Central Central, the riverside gradually became important from the original Sichuan-Tibet passage, and was finally elevated to the status of a base for aiding Tibet. Under the circumstance that Tibet could not establish a province, it turned to focusing on the operation of the Sichuan border in an attempt to raise aid to Tibet and consolidate the Sichuan Province. In this process, Zhao Erfeng, then the minister of Sichuan-Yunnan border affairs, played an important role as a ruler in the Sichuanbian operation at the end of the Qing Dynasty [Zhao entered Sichuanbian from June of the thirty-first year of Guangxu (1905), returned to Chengdu in June of the third year of Xuantong (1911), and was actually in the border for four years (June of the thirty-first year of Guangxu to October of the thirty-second year, August of the thirty-fourth year to June of the third year of Xuantong)]. Zhao Erfeng was born as a donor, and was promoted from Jianchang Taoist to supervise the aftermath of the fireside, promoted to Sichuan-Yunnan border minister, nursing the governor of Sichuan, then promoted to minister in Tibet and Sichuan-Yunnan border minister, full-time Sichuan-Yunnan border minister, and finally transferred to Sichuan governor. In Bian Yinggong, he was named Qin Ming Tou Ding Dai, Shang Shu Title, and Wuyong Baturu by the Qing court, and was called Qin Cha by the people of Sichuan at that time. Along with the trend of the Qing Dynasty carrying out large-scale transformation into direct rule in the areas indirectly ruled by the territory, Zhao Erfeng entered Sichuan with force as the forerunner and "enwei and force", and in just seven years, he converted the land of the Tusi of Sichuan to the river, and changed it to indirect rule by the original bondage, which was directly under the central government's direct jurisdiction symbolized by the Sichuan-Yunnan border minister who "has the system of military government and the responsibility of supervising the localities". At the same time, under the wave of the nation's "New Deal", the self-seeking interests and self-preservation rights of the riverside were drawn up, and new policy measures such as reclamation, mining, trade, road and bridge construction, smooth passage roads, and erection of postal routes were implemented; Xingxue Yi used Confucian culture to assimilate Kawabe, with the intention of "civilizing and solidifying". Zhao Erfeng carried out the "New Deal" in Sichuanbian, which changed the political situation in Sichuanbian and made the economic development and cultural education of Sichuanbian in the modern sense from blank to slow start, and the changes brought to Sichuanbian in the seven years of Bian were the largest and most thorough change in the history of the region, and can be said to be the starting point and peak of social, political, economic and cultural changes in the modern Sichuanbian Tibetan area. At that time, when the national strength was weakened and the internal and external troubles were very serious, Zhao Erfeng's measures in the riverside effectively promoted the jurisdiction of the late Qing Central Government over Tibet, and also played a role in resisting British and Russian peeping into Tibet. Today's investigation of the local industry, modern education, medical care, etc. in Kang District all dates back to the Zhao Erfeng era. Zhao Erfeng's strong implementation of the New Deal on Sichuanbian in the late Qing Dynasty is the result of the joint promotion of the wave of New Deal across the country, the only difference is that Zhao Erfeng's New Deal in Sichuanbian is not based on any social and economic development, it is a complete transplantation and armed force as the backing of the entry, if Zhao Erfeng's New Deal in Sichuanbian is placed in the national scope, it is only a component, and it seems that it is not too important a part, 6639489 but if Zhao Erfeng's New Deal and the Sichuan-Tibet area are restored, The significance of political reform and the southwestern border defense is very different, and it is in sharp contrast to the delay and retreat of the ministers stationed in Tibet at the same time. When the British pressed on, Wen Hai, the minister stationed in Tibet, could not advance in Chengdu, bargained and carried personal grudges, and ignored the overall situation of the country, and took revenge on the Sichuan governor Lu Chuanlin with the Chengdu general; Yugang turned a blind eye to the so-called negotiations of the British, but when the new minister resident in Tibet, Youtai, took office, and the deeply favored Youtai had not really touched Tibet, he retreated in spite of the difficulties, unwilling to enter Tibet, and even if he had to enter Tibet in the end, he did not think about how to share worries for the country, and enjoyed the scenery and sang and spent time with friends every day. 6639490 compare Zhao Erfeng with his contemporaries or earlier ministers stationed in Tibet who disregarded the overall situation and rushed to escape, it is not an exaggeration to comment on him with words such as "dedication to exhaustion" and "single-mindedly planning to hide and bound." For this period of history, historians and policy researchers in the past mainly studied from the perspective of evaluating Zhao Erfeng's administration. Due to their political background, ideology and the concerns of scholars at different stages, they have different attitudes and views. Then, in order to solve the practical problems of governance in Tibetan areas today, some studies were carried out from the perspective of summing up historical lessons and lessons. In recent years, some young scholars abroad have emerged an upsurge of using geopolitical frontier politics, new Qing history theory and research methods to re-examine and interpret this period of historical facts. 6639491 1 Regarding Zhao Erfeng's evaluation Zhao Erfeng had the title of "Butcher of Zhao" when he signed Sichuan Yongning Road before entering Sichuan, and entering Sichuan in 1905 was also accompanied by force, and the "Seven Villages and Gou Blood Case" in Batang and the subsequent aftermath measures of the conquest of the township city of Sangpiling Monastery made Zhao Erfeng establish his prestige in Sichuanbian while also leaving a deep imprint in the minds of Sichuanbian monks and laymen. At the time of the Yuan Revolution, he was killed by the force representing the new life and became the "martyr of the late Qing Dynasty". The reputation of "Butcher Zhao" and the imprint of "suppressing revolutionaries" became the source of ideological entanglement of Zhao Erfeng and his meridians, whether singing or angry. Due to the influence of many factors such as ideology, political context, era background, and different concerns of academic research institutes in different eras, the evaluation of Zhao Erfeng and his Sichuanbe management varies from different eras, different contexts, and different perspectives. Roughly summarize at least four time periods and four perspectives, that is, the official perspective of the center and colleagues in the late Qing Dynasty, and the perspective of subordinates and the people; the perspective of ordinary Tibetans in the areas that have been redirected, the perspective of toast and lamas and monks, and the perspective of the upper class of Tibet; contemporaneous British and other foreign perspectives, etc.; the perspectives of scholars and border rulers during the Beiyang warlord period and the Republic of China; the perspective of revolutionaries after the democratic reform until the 80s of the 20th century; The so-called objective perspective of historical materialists after the 80s of the 20th century, and so on. Roughly combing, from the fall of the Qing Dynasty in 1911 to today (2013), in the 102 years, Zhao Erfeng's understanding of Sichuanside management at the end of the Qing Dynasty has experienced at least four different periods: the period of the Beiyang government, the period of direct rule of the Republic of China government, the rule of local warlords in the Republic of China, and the four periods after the founding of New China and the democratic reform. After the democratic reform, it can be divided into two periods: before and after the 80s of the 20th century. The Tibetans of Zhao Erfeng's era revered it, sang it 6639492 or hated it; The Qing Central relied on its support, and besides that, "there is no other person who can be relegated, and there is no talent available"; Mainlanders in Sichuan ridicule him as "Butcher Zhao." After the Yuan Dynasty, those who passed the border respected it; After liberation, the democratic reform reached the 80s, with a basically negative attitude; After the 80s, it gradually affirmed its Kawakabe operation as a defense against the great powers. Specifically, the newspapers run by various places in the late Qing Dynasty and the domestic public opinion circles basically had a positive attitude towards Zhao's actions in the riverside. In particular, the Sichuan Official Daily, founded in 1904, often has good news or news about Sichuan. 6639493 Although these reports or news look at Zhao Erfeng's achievements in Sichuanbian from an official point of view, their original intention and purpose are the same as Wu Jiamu's teaching Batang students to sing songs welcoming Zhao Shuai, which is inevitably whitewashed, but it can indeed reflect the positive effects brought by Zhao Erfeng's operation in Sichuanbian to Sichuan. Commented by mainland people in Sichuan Province that Zhao Erfeng could be expressed by a couplet popular among the people at that time: "Feng Laozi has been weighed for many years, dancing his claws and teeth, and his prestige is not diminished by Zhao Butcher; The dog slave also has today, crushed bones, and retribution still looks at Shen Yanwa. "6639494 "Hey, don't cry, Zhao Daotai is here!" "Fifty years ago, the Qurans used to scare the cries of children in this way." 6639495 Zhao Erfeng was called "Butcher" by the locals for killing 3,000 people in Xuyong Daotai when he was in Xuyong Daotai, thus earning the name "Zhao Butcher" in Sichuan. From the perspective of the Qing government, the Qing Dynasty's Tibetan affairs were urgent, and the imperial court urgently needed a minister with great talent, foresight, and fearlessness to run the riverside and assist Tibet for Tibetan affairs. All of Zhao Erfeng's business activities and initiatives in Sichuan enabled the imperial court to gradually realize the grand plan of trying to solve the Tibetan affairs, so in a short period of seven years, the imperial court repeatedly entrusted him with important tasks, honored him, and obtained an edict: "The imperial court painstakingly planned and considered until the end, without which there was no other way to plan, and there was no other person to simplify." The 6639496 court's reliance on Zhao Erfeng can be seen from this. However, Zhao Erfeng did not win praise from the masses of ministers for this, on the contrary, he was called by some central ministers for doing things too quickly, and even sought merit for "Meng Lang". However, the Central Organs Military Department and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs recognized Zhao Erfeng's business effects in the riverside, believing that Zhao's "frequent dismal operation in the Balchuan area is intellectual, and Tibetan affairs are also determined"6639497. His brother Zhao Ersun believed: "After several years of arranging and operating by the river, from the furnace pass to Chamuduo, thousands of miles stretched across the country, the barbarians lived and worked in peace and contentment, and they no longer had the suffering of the previous war and revolution. Lian Yu, the minister stationed in Tibet who 6639498 also plotted Sichuan-Tibet affairs, also said about Zhao Erfeng's reputation for sending Sichuan troops into Tibet and on the side, "The people are intimidated by its prestige, and with its ability to make the east of Larry, the wind and cranes have no police" 6639499. Zhao Erfeng's old subordinate Liu Zanting commented that Zhao Erfeng's achievements in "border government were better than those in Sichuanzhong." than the beginning of the border minister also. ...... Ranerfeng opened up territory for China to thousands of miles, and its contribution is not only in the generation "6639500." Foreigners commented that Zhao Erfeng "did not have the courage, honesty, and loyalty—though ruthless—as most Manchurian aristocrats did, without regard for personal hardships." ...... Advocating wide-ranging reforms in administration, the economy, land and taxation, he abolished Ullah servitude..."6639501. A British official in Chengdu, Sichuan Province at the time, commented on him: "Although because he claims to like mass executions... Yet he enjoys a reputation for impartiality ... He was a man with an unusual personality, and he is still fresh in the memory of him as of 1922 in eastern Tibet. "6639502 Xinhai Dingge, Zhao Erfeng became a martyr of the Qing Dynasty and was killed in Rongcheng, and the martial arts of the Sichuan side also died with the death of the people, followed by the Beiyang government and the Republic of China government successively set up envoys, town guards, and town committees in Sichuan, in an attempt to further operate Sichuan. At this time, a large number of people who entered the riverside to start the management of the riverside began to study and discuss the lessons and lessons of Zhao Erfeng Jingbian around practical problems, and collected information on Zhao Erfeng Jingbian time. However, in the face of a completely different national cultural atmosphere from the Han region, the new Jingbian felt chaotic and disorderly, and thus developed an admiring attitude towards the Jingbian of Zhao Erfeng's era, which was 6639503 "invincible". During the Republican period, Zhao Erfeng and his administrative measures in Sichuanbian were almost used by people at that time as a mirror that could not be ignored in the research and development of Sichuanbe, and even indispensable and could be used for reference. However, the researchers or followers of the Republic of China all discussed from the purpose of being useful to the world, or to be precise, from the perspective of the effective rule of the central dynastic regime in the interior over ethnic areas, and they sighed that the riverside had changed back to their original appearance, and lamented that Zhao Erfeng's ability and personality could not be compared with those of the economic frontier at the time. The complicated situation in Kham's district made the successive economic border leaders in the Republic of China even more at a loss. From the perspective of national governance, scholars and economic border scholars on the one hand learned the lessons of Zhao Erfeng Jingbian to improve the business measures of the riverside side; On the other hand, he also summarized the experience of Zhao Erfeng Jingbian to needle the shortcomings of the times. 6639504 Especially compared with Zhao Erfeng's threatening words and deeds in Sichuanbian in the past and the actions of the Jingbian managers at that time, I can't help but sigh a lot. Political, economic, cultural, educational, military, and other aspects of the reasons for the past are analyzed for adoption by those in power in Kawabe to promote the further development of Kawabe. Some people call the Zhao Erfeng period of the Qing Dynasty the golden age of Xikang education; Some people 6639505 called Zhao Erfeng's death in Rongcheng "one of the great losses in the history of Kangzang 6639506 and so on. On the whole, those who plotted to trade in the border during the Republican period had a positive attitude towards Zhao Erfeng, in order to absorb his strengths and make up for his own weaknesses. Some people even advocated and imitated the measures of Zhao Erfeng's era, such as Jiang Junzhang, Yu Songlin and others, who absorbed the relevant content of Zhao Erfeng's charter for reforming the Sula system in Sichuanbian and formulated the charter of the Ula Reform and Animal Husbandry Company. During the 6639507 Republic of China, Tibetans in Sichuanbian still started with "Zhao Erfeng is coming!" "as a specialized language to scare disobedient children; 6639508, there are also people in rural cities and other places who worship Zhao Erfeng as a bodhisattva; 6639509 some people call it "just and honest, able to endure hard work", and "so far the old people in the riverside all praise the Zhao family" 6639510. There is a comparison between the Han officials who set up Zhao Erfeng and the Tibetan officials, forming a Tibetan proverb: "The worst Han officials are better than the best Tibetan officials." 6639511 directly praise Zhao Erfeng's words were still sung until the 40s of the 20th century, and Yonghe, who went deep into the border areas during the Republic of China (40s of the 20th century), remembered the ballad according to the transmission of Tibetans who were in their 50s during the survey, 6639512 although it was compiled by Wu Jiamu, the general office of the Academic Affairs Bureau in the late Qing Dynasty, and the students were ordered to sing the praise words for Zhao Erfeng, but after more than 30 years, the situation that the locals can still sing still reflects the complicated feelings of the Batang people for Zhao Erfeng to a certain extent. It's just that the times are far away and can't be explored in depth. After the democratic reform, scholars usually adopted a cautious attitude towards this period of history that took place in the Sichuan-Tibet region in the last years of the late Qing Dynasty, due to ideological and other reasons, for a long time, as a special history and sensitive topic in a special region, and even did not want to or dare not touch on it. Therefore, in sharp contrast to the Republican period, when the late Qing Dynasty was strongly respected and researched by many researchers, after the democratic reform until the 80s of the 20th century, due to ideology and the characterization of the feudal dynasty that had collapsed, for almost 30 years, no one mentioned Zhao Erfeng again, and even if he was occasionally mentioned, he was regarded as the guardian and death throes of the feudal dynasty. The research is basically in a blank period, and the attitude is completely negative. As Feng Youzhi, who is relatively close to the late Qingchuan side business era 6639513 said, "those who are confined to the environment, do not read a book, do not write a word for more than 30 years" 6639514. It was not until the 80s of the 20th century that people revisited the past. At this time, the evaluation of Zhao Erfeng and his presence in Sichuanbian was basically based on criticism first, and finally affirmed his economic and cultural construction, including beneficiaries of Zhao Erfeng's era such as Kelsang Qunjue 6639515 and Zhao Erfeng's old subordinates when he was in Sichuan, such as Liu Dingyi 6639516. In 1986, when Feng Youzhi compiled the "Historical Legacy of Xikang", Zhao Erfeng Jingbian "only had seven years, but because he was determined to go through the border and determined to operate, although the time was short, he made a lot of achievements, and he stir 6639517 red up the border that had been dormant for a thousand years and was like a pool of stagnant water. The comments on Zhao Erfeng and his people no longer adhere to the negative trend held before, but tend to highlight his achievements in governing the Sichuan region. 6639518 to the 90s of the 20th century, in order to strengthen the issue of Tibet and the effective management of Tibetan areas in Sichuan, some scholars returned to the tradition of "reading the past and knowing the present" during the Republic of China, and again looked for lessons from history in governing border Tibet; for example, Li Shaoming of the Sichuan Provincial Institute of Nationalities reviewed and sorted out the history of Zhao Erfeng at the end of the Qing Dynasty, and put forward the 6639519 of "stability in Tibet must first be well-being"; the Kangding Normal College represented by Yang Jiaming specially established the "Research on Political Stability and Economic Development in Kardze Prefecture" The research group conducts research on the origin and development of the problem of "well-being". In 66395201999, the author himself took the title of "Qing Ji Sichuan Side Management" as his doctoral thesis, deeply discussed the background and specific measures of Zhao Erfeng's riverside operation, and the relationship between the central hub and other Sichuan-Tibetan border ministers in the process of raising border aid to Tibet and Guchuan preservation, and thought about the situation of Zhao Erfeng Jingbian and the late Qing Dynasty with the southwestern border defense and the new policies of Tibet, and gave a comprehensive discussion of Zhao Erfeng's Jingbian Frontier. 6639521 unlike the 80s and 90s of the 20th century, which still had a cautious attitude towards the study of border management in the late Qing Dynasty, in the 21st century, domestic scholars have more positively affirmed the effect of Zhao Erfeng's Sichuan border management from the perspective of national governance or promoting the modernization of Tibetan areas. 6639522 there are still some scholars who are discussing it qualitatively, but most of them discuss 6639523 from the aspect of his Sichuanbe administration, and to this day, a large number of master's and doctoral theses have emerged on the topic of the operation of border Tibet in the late Qing Dynasty or one of the administrative measures. 6639524 2 The evaluation of Zhao Erfeng and the Kawabe management from different perspectives and paradigms, and the scholars, Kawabe management and its administrators in different eras have shown different attitudes based on the changes of the times, but there are also changes in research interests and perspectives brought about by the change of research paradigm. For example, some scholars in China have included the Sichuanbian operation in the late Qing Dynasty into the power structure of the late Qing Dynasty for discussion. 6639525 Taiwan scholar Feng Mingzhu started from combing the history of Sino-British negotiations in Tibet, and examined the return of Zhao Erfeng and Sichuanbe Tusi in the late Qing Dynasty as one aspect of the influence of Sino-British negotiations. 6639526 related to the change of research paradigm, there are discussions on the Sichuan-Tibet New Deal in the late Qing Dynasty from the perspective of nation-state construction, such as Zhalo's analysis of Zhang Yintang's New Deal in Tibet. 6639527 at the same time, the paradigm shift from a Western perspective is even more obvious. From an early stage, Francies Younghusband justified his invasion of Lhasa; Charles Bell's understanding of Tibet's past and present; Peter Hopcock's combing of people who broke into the roof of the world and Peter Fleming's review of the history of British invasion of Tibet, etc., 6639528 to the 80s of the 20th century, the Canadian scholar Tan Gorenff mentioned the reform of Zhao Erfeng and Zhang Yintang in Sichuan and Tibet from the perspective of the British invasion of Lhasa, which aroused the vigilance of the late Qing dynasty to the southwestern border defense (Tibet), and affirmed the effect of border Tibetan operations in the late Qing Dynasty, and so on. 6639529, these studies are basically the same as domestic research, based on the narrative perspective of historical facts under the traditional historical view. Although there are also different perspectives, as in Sperling's comments on Zhao Erfeng, 6639530 and so on. Due to the late opening of the Khamese area to the outside world (1998), Western scholars can enter the Khamese area (Sichuanbian side) to do practical research and oral research late, the previous main area of foreign Tibetology research is concentrated in Tibet, 6639531 with the opening of the Tibetan area of Sichuan, more and more foreign scholars have the opportunity to enter the Khamese area for fieldwork oral investigation, the most important thing is that domestic scholars also have more and more opportunities to study abroad, some obtain doctoral degrees abroad to obtain research positions, change the perspective of analysis, When using Western academic analysis systems and discourses, when re-examining the history of the late Qing Dynasty Kawabe management, especially in recent years, under the influence of the new Qing history movement that emerged in the United States, analyzing the history of the Kawanbe operation in the late Qing Dynasty came to a completely different view from previous domestic and foreign historians. In 1998, William of the University of Hawaii's master's thesis, "Writing Tibetan History: A Discussion of Feudalism and Serfdom in Chinese and Western Historiography," 6639532 used Batang as an example to interpret the history of Sichuan. In 2011, Wang published "China's Last Imperial Frontier: The Expansion of the Late Qing Dynasty on the Sichuan-Tibet Border" based on his 2006 doctoral dissertation 6639533, using the concept of "empire" in the study of New Qing history to examine the relationship between local forces and officials in Sichuan, but overemphasizing the local perspective and the concept of empire makes the analysis of this paper a bit out of reality. Yuzhu Tsom published the article "Taming Kangba: The Construction of Kang District during the Republic of China"6639534 in Modern China, discussing the narrative strategies of Sichuan-Tibetan historical researchers represented by Ren Naiqiang during the Republican period, in order to explain how the Kham District was constructed. These scholars were deeply influenced by "ethnic theory", "imperialist theory", and "periphery" and "regional" perspectives. The new Qing history focuses on the basic characteristics of national identity and multiculturalism, gender, empire and colonialism, war and military culture, region and ritual, public and private space, and material culture perspectives, emphasizing the importance of ethnic minority scripts and local perspectives, and its research rationale and perspective have had a certain impact on the study of traditional Chinese historiography. However, these studies are mainly important academic issues abroad, and their application to China will involve some sensitive practical issues. 6639535 recent studies by foreign scholars on the late Qingchuanbian clearly show this realistic impact. Although scholars at home and abroad are also committed to "explaining the new marginal theory for the study of 'Tibetan border'", it proposes to use pilgrimage, ethnic and cultural identity politics, ethnic tourism, education and identity construction, religion, ritual and social change, imperial system and Republican period history, local royal power system (tribute and pilgrimage) and other diversified themes as the starting point, with its practicality, community care, modernity, historicity and representation, so as to dilute the sensitivity of China's practical issues. 6639536 while emphasizing the cross-regional trend of Sino-Tibetan marginal studies, it aims to highlight the initiative of Kham and Amdo in the history of Sino-Tibetan relations, the important role of the construction of empire, state, and ethnic boundaries, and in some larger historical processes, the internal part of the history and culture of these regions is constructed by the local people themselves, rather than completely imposed by external forces. 6639537 emphasizes some characteristics of "local knowledge" and "critical local studies", and criticizes the mainstream historical framework of traditional Tibetology from a bottom-up grassroots perspective, and reinterprets local politics and culture differently from traditional historiography. 6639538 the most important research on Sichuan-Tibet issues in recent years in the early 20th century is Scott Relyea's doctoral dissertation "Fixing the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau: Sovereignty and the Expansion of China's National Rights in the Early 20th Century", Li Haotong considered the Sichuanbian operation in the late Qing Dynasty and the subsequent changes in Sichuan-Tibet in the Yuan period, magnified the impact and historical picture of the return of the Sichuan side to the river, and proposed that the response of the Sichuan management should be broken through the perspective of resistance, but should be from the local, Three perspectives on the country and globalization. 6639539 If one follows the path of foreign geopolitics or new Qing history research and interprets the late Qing River from a global perspective, one may fall into the path of foreign scholars' research on Xinjiang "viewing Xinjiang as the result of the Qing Empire's territorial expansion in the mid-18th century, and pointing out that Xinjiang was the object of competition between the Qing Dynasty, Russia, and Central Asia, and this 'research result' is not only academically wrong, but also provides an excuse for some foreign countries to support pan-Turkism in practice." 6639540 this is not only a political issue to worry about, but also adds complexity to the solution of real problems. The new paradigm of marginal research is undoubtedly beneficial to the promotion of academic activity, but from the perspective of "applying to the world", it is still a return to the traditional historiography to view the governance of Tibet in the late Qing Dynasty, which can be more reflected in the value of academic research in solving relevant practical problems. As in the intention of Alai in writing Zhan Right: The Iron Pimple That Finally Melted: A Two-hundred-Year Khamba Legend, Alai 6639541 "writing about historical subjects, but it is to answer today's questions", serving as the eyes of home, focusing on conflict and reality. Writing contributes to the resolution of real contradictions. Just as literary scholars create allegorical realities, it is also the responsibility of historians to study the past and the present. 3. Returning to the local perspective, after studying and combing the official texts of the exchanges between the central government and the border Tibetan ministers in the late Qing Dynasty, I have been thinking about using the local perspective to try to understand how the local people view this history. In 2006, Mr. Li Mao (Chu Dan) commissioned an oral survey among senior monks and representatives of various monasteries in Ganzi, which realistically and vividly reflects the initiative of local adaptation to the larger historical process emphasized by scholars of the New Qing Dynasty. Ni Mailanmujia (deputy county magistrate) of Huiyuan Temple in Daofu County said: Zhao Erfeng, there is no one in our Khamba people who has not heard of his name since he was a child. Especially the nickname "Butcher Zhao", as soon as we say it, we were disobedient when we were children, and as soon as the adults said that Butcher Zhao was coming, children did not dare to cry anymore. We know his power from a young age, and we hate him to the bone since we were a child. Later, I joined the work, became a deputy county magistrate, deputy director of the county people's congress, held meetings to study more, and also learned something about Zhao Erfeng historically; although he was a loyal minister and lackey of the feudal system, he made great sacrifices for the unification of the country and the defense of the frontiers, and the educational reform and arming he advocated in the Khamba region were all good things related to the fundamental interests of the country and the nation. So, what we thought about him before, now I have a different view and position. When the Chinese People's Liberation Army marched into Tibet, was it smooth sailing? No, there will still be many obstacles from the reactionary forces, and if you don't clear them out, can you move forward? Therefore, killing depends on why and who kills. Of course, there will be mistakes, but we must analyze the specific situation at that time historically, and do not jump to conclusions. This interview is very representative and typical, and the people of Ganzi learned about Zhao Erfeng's murderous nature from the oral tradition of the people, and in addition to being terrified, the listeners inevitably gave birth to a kind of hatred and hatred in their emotions. However, as the horizon expands, a grander mind and historical vision are born, which gradually changes the original ideological understanding. Another example is the living Buddha Xianggen of Ganzi Monastery (deputy director of the county people's congress) who said: Zhao Erfeng is a famous historical figure in our Ganzi. We have listened to the old people since we were children often talk about a devil and monster who kills people without blinking, that is, today some children are disobedient, the old people say that they will not obey, and then cry I will call Butcher Zhao to cut your ears first, children will be afraid, but think of his image in the minds of our Khamba people. I was only a few years old in the temple, and I heard that Zhao Erfeng, the butcher of Zhao, had killed many lamas and monks, like a devil, both hated him and feared him, for fear that he had not really died in history, in case he appeared in the temple one day, it would be really scary. Later, when I grew up, I went to work, I went to a lot of places to study, I held more meetings, and I studied history and historical figures a little, and I was not as terrible and hateful as the old people said that this murderer. I heard that when Zhao Erfeng came to the Kham area, British imperialism was invading our Tibet, and if the Kham area was lost, Tibet would be in great trouble; he was a general who came to hold the frontiers, and from the perspective of today's view, he was a person with a great vision of reform and opening up. As for killing, it also depends on what circumstances and who kills should be analyzed in detail, of course, it is not surprising that there are fewer wrong people killed in peaceful environments, and more wrong people are killed in chaotic times. Monk Dorji, a monk from the Wuming Buddhist College in Serta County, said: Zhao Erfeng is a very famous person in the Kham area, and although I have not seen any records of him in the scriptures, I have seen some records of him in some Tibetan history and documents. Of course, there are many legends and comments about him among the people, and I don't understand who is right and who is wrong. However, I think that I have three comments on Zhao Erfeng as a person: First, whether he is an excuse or bumps into an opportunity, in short, when British imperialism invaded Tibet, this is a historical fact, Zhao Erfeng came to the Kang District with the signboard of governing Tibet and well-being, and what he did was actually for the safety of the country and the nation, we cannot deny this, therefore, with a class concept and standpoint, I do not recognize that Zhao Erfeng is proceeding from the fundamental interests of the national unification of the country, and I do not approve of it as a devil who kills people without blinking under the feudal system. Second, in the process of governing Tibet and preparing for Tibet's well-being, Zhao Erfeng has set up local areas, eliminated bandits, advocated sinology, cultivated talent, and deployed armaments to support Tibet, which is of positive significance for our management of Tibetan areas today. The third is Zhao Erfeng's murder, which must be analyzed and commented on from the historical perspective as well as from the essence of his mistakes. Zhao Erfeng's murder, if he can be cautious and distinguish between right and wrong, I don't think he will destroy all his achievements after his death. This shows that he is a typical example of killing people to maintain his rule. This means that Zhao Erfeng made mistakes in killing, he believed too much in the suppression of force, and hurt the hearts of the people, which was also the fundamental reason for his failure. According to my investigation, his murder of a monk was the first thing that was disgusted by the broad masses of the people, and it was also at this point that he lost the hearts and minds of the people. The monk Dorji is quite insightful, which can be described as a perfect application of the Marxist-Leninist view of history, and speculatively talks about Zhao Erfeng's achievements and historical influence. Qiongshan Lanmuka, a religious figure from the Self-Birth Tower of Murdo Sacred Mountain in Danba County, said: Zhao Erfeng We all know him, I am in my seventies this year, and when I was a few years old, I listened to his story told by the elderly, he was the minister stationed in Tibet during the Qing Dynasty, and he was a general. When I first joined the army in liberation, the commander of the People's Liberation Army said to us that today's PLA is not the butcher of Zhao Erfeng in the Qing Dynasty, we are the people's children and soldiers, the sons of the people, and we are by no means an army that came to kill the people. This shows that Zhao Erfeng is a person who has killed a lot, and he is a person who has killed the people. Later, I studied culture and became the chairman of the trade union in the Danba mica mine, and I learned about Zhao Erfeng from a lot of literature, and I learned some things about him. My opinion of him is twofold. First, in order to carry out "land reform and return to the river" in the Tibetan areas of Sichuan, although he engaged in Han chauvinism, he did go too far and hurt the feelings of the people in the Khamba area, but he did stabilize the situation here at that time, not only praised by the Qing government, but also curbed the arrogance of British imperialism. In this regard, we say that he is meritorious for the country and the nation. Second, not only does he not understand national psychology and local customs and culture, but he is also very incomplete in reforming the land and returning to the river; he listens to partial beliefs, does not listen to negative opinions and good suggestions, and is a person who acts arbitrarily, so his haste and paranoia bring about the death and destruction of others, and the old forces immediately restore the old system. To a certain extent, this way of understanding Zhao Erfeng also reflects the evaluation standards and attitudes towards this history and historical figures before and after the democratic reform and around the 80s of the 20th century. Lama Baden of Tagong Temple said: In any case, I do not change my opinion on Zhao Erfeng as a person, I think that no matter how much credit you have made to the unity of the country and the persistence of the frontiers, you have no love for the local people, and it is wrong to kill people at every turn to maintain your rule. According to the legend of the old people, Zhao Erfeng regarded everyone who disagreed with him as an enemy, saying that he killed people without distinction between men and women, old and young, monks and laymen. Can such a general, such a minister, really govern the country and security? Their murderous nature is determined by their very nature, even if there is no British imperialist invasion of Tibet, they will kill people without blinking. For example, the Battle of Jinchuan at the time of the Qianlong Emperor was obviously a dispute between the Tusi family, the corruption and incompetence of local officials in Sichuan and the mistakes of mediation, and the rebellious court that expanded the situation into Tusi, which can be found in Qing history to this day, before the execution, Dajin Tusi repeatedly told me that I did not resist the Great Emperor, and that it was the bad heart of Tusi and officials who harmed me... However, the Qing troops attacked Jinchuan and killed 70 percent of the people of Jinchuan, and the corpses on the two Jinchuan rivers were floating like drifting trees, and they were absolutely not merciful in killing the people. Therefore, now some people use the anti-British invasion and the concept of maintaining Tibet and well-being to cover up Zhao Erfeng's murder, and I do not approve of it. I do not deny that his advocacy of Chinese studies, that is, the teaching of Chinese and the meritorious operation of education, and even the introduction of technology, including the practice of intermarriage between Tibetan-Chinese and immigration to reclamation, is a feat of progressive significance. Do not confuse these political views and wise actions with the view that the feudal system essentially regards the people and the border minorities as livestock. Rulers throughout the ages have always respected and protected religion, but Zhao Erfeng cut from the head of a monk and started from the temple, is this a code of conduct for a feudal dynasty minister? Is this his reform and pioneering spirit? I think this is the fundamental reason for his death and demise. A person who has no people and social foundation at all will not achieve a career. Baden's words broke the root cause of the death of Zhao Erfeng River's business people: "A person who has no people and social foundation will not achieve a career", which is quite consistent with the materialist view of history. This book is not intended to look at various perspectives and comprehensively outline Zhao Erfeng himself, re-evaluate himself or his measures in Sichuanbian 6639542, let alone make a historical construction of Zhao Erfeng's own image, but only want to restore the original face of history, based on the specific background of his Sichuanside operation and its measures, the purpose is to explore the Qing Dynasty central and southwestern border officials such as Ding Baozhen, Lu Chuanlin, Xiliang, through the study of the exchanges and official documents between the Qing Central and the border Tibetan ministers, and by restoring the history of Zhao Erfeng's business in Sichuan, to explore the border officials in the central and southwestern Qing Dynasties, such as Ding Baozhen, Lu Chuanlin, Xiliang, Zhao Erfeng, Lianyu, Zhang Yintang and others planned the situation of southwestern border defense and stabilizing Tibet, as well as the social, political, and cultural changes in the Sichuan border under Zhao Erfeng's "New Deal". As Feng Youzhi wrote the purpose of the "History of Xikang": to record "since Zhao Jihe in 1905... Xikang society has changed from static to laissez-faire, and advanced to planning and management, resulting in the causes and consequences of changes in people and events in Xikang, and achieving the ultimate goal of restoring our study of history"6639543. How was the Sichuanbian business strategy formed, how were these policies specifically implemented, and how a series of border Tibetan business activities related to land reversion, governance, and preparation for the establishment of provinces promoted and developed the Sichuanbian strategy of the late Qing government. How the various measures and ideas of the border ministers and the Qing central government were intertwined, and even how they mediated or hindered each other. At the same time, how the series of new policies of Kawabe are in the mixture of "new" and "old", not only manifested as the legacy and continuation of the political culture of feudal royalty, but also contain a considerable amount of the germ of modern political economy and culture, and the enlightenment to the people who ruled the Tibetan scriptures at that time, local and later generations is the content that this book tries to express. That is, it is committed to restoring and analyzing the historical background of the Qingji Riverside operation, planning and implementing the development, and analyzing it in the statement of historical facts, so as to seek some evidence and benefit the world in some ways. IV. Main Content and Narrative Framework In addition to the preface and epilogue, this book has five chapters, divided into three parts. The first part mainly starts from the crisis in the southwestern frontier of the late Qing Dynasty and the formation of the southwest border defense consciousness, starting with the analysis of the formation of the southwest border defense consciousness and its active planning of various measures in the Sichuan-Tibet border during the ten years (1876-1886) of Ding Baozhen, showing the process of the formation of the southwest border defense ideas of the late Qing border officials represented by Ding Baozhen. How did the southwestern border officials, especially the Sichuan governors, develop from the initial "Guchuan preservation", that is, the awareness of consolidating Tibet's border defense by stabilizing Sichuan, to the strategy of "raising border aid to Tibet" and "consolidating border maps" in the Sichuan Governor Xiliang era (1903-1907). That is to say, from the Ding Baozhen era, Sichuan was used as the rear of the solid storage and preservation, and developed to the late Qing Dynasty, and gradually extended the rear frontier of the solid storage and preservation to the Sichuan-Yunnan border land at the junction of Sichuan and Tibet. By setting up Sichuan-Yunnan border ministers who "assume local responsibilities under the system of military government" on the riverside between Sichuan and Tibet, the administrative status of Sichuanbian was enhanced, the Sichuan-Yunnan border ministers were stationed, the land was returned to the river, and new policies were implemented, forming a trend of "raising border aid to Tibet" and "consolidating border maps", and at the same time making unconventional personnel arrangements for the governors of Sichuan and Yungui in the southwest, so as to "unite Sichuan, Yunnan, Sichuan, and Tibet into one breath", not only integrating Sichuan, Yunbian and Tibet into the whole of southwest border defense, but also forming Guchuan, Chipping and Gubian to protect Tibet and Tibet. Stabilizing the idea of the border defense system in the southwest. In this part, the formation process of the southwestern border defense ideology in the late Qing Dynasty, the improvement of the status of the Sichuan border, and the emergence of the strategy of raising border aid to Tibet are carefully sorted out and analyzed in depth. It focuses on Ding Baozhen's awareness and measures for border defense in the southwest, the origin of the problem of Zhanzhan in the Tibetan "enclave" on the border of Sichuan, and the considerations of the late Qing Dynasty and Sichuan governors Lu Chuanlin and Xiliang in planning to stabilize the border and consolidate storage. At the same time, the background and situation of Batang of Feng Quan, the assistant minister stationed in Tibet, who planned the operation of border Tibet, was killed, and the Qing Central Committee took this as an opportunity to gradually change the Sichuan border tusi to direct rule, and opened the door for Zhao Erfeng's Sichuan border reflow, the implementation of the new policy, and the comprehensive operation of border Tibet. The second part consists of chapters 2 and 3, with "Zhao Erfeng's operation in Sichuan" and "analysis of it" as the main content, comprehensively presenting the formation process of Zhao Erfeng's Sichuanside business ideas and strategies, as well as the interaction with the Qing Central on the border and Tibet issue. Zhao Erfeng followed Sichuan Governor Xiliang to Sichuan from the 29th year of Guangxu (1903) and proposed the "Three Strategies of Pingkang" in response to the crisis situation in the southwestern frontier; In the 32nd year of Guangxu (1906), after he was made the minister of Sichuan-Yunnan border affairs, he proposed to set up officials, reclamation, study development, military training, mining and trade matters in Sichuan, which were called the "Six Matters of Jingbian". In order to better consolidate the border and Tibet, Zhao Erfeng proposed a plan to establish a province in Sichuan and take back the enclave that Tibet had controlled for 46 years. Two years later, when Zhao Erfeng was appointed minister in Tibet and also in charge of border affairs, it became logical to extend the Sichuanbian business plan to Tibet. However, throughout the course of Sichuanbian operations, the understanding of the economic border measures, the timing of entering Tibet, and the relationship between Sichuanbian and Tibet differed between the Qing Central Hub and Zhao Erfeng, the actual operator of Sichuan. In the end, due to hesitation on the issue of whether to stabilize Tibet first, as well as the previous advance by force in Sichuan, Zhao Erfeng lost and missed the best opportunity to enter Tibet, and was finally blocked outside the core of Tibet. This chapter focuses on how the Qing Central and Zhao Erfeng plans to "unite the border and Tibet into one and make overall planning" based on different understandings and how the situation was shattered by the interweaving of various problems. The third chapter, "Zhao Erfeng Riverside Management (Part II)", delves into Zhao Erfeng's "Six Things on the Edge". In order to solve the problem of opening up funds, migrants reclaimed the border, collected taxes, set up businesses, and opened mining farms in order to seek self-financing; In order to seek self-preservation rights, he minted silver coins, set up a tea company, and recovered the area around Chayu in southern Tibet under the concept of "all sizes of land should be operated early"; For the smooth development of various affairs in Sichuan, we recruited talents in an eclectic manner, and applied to the central hub to change the officials originally assigned to Xinjiang and other border areas to Sichuan, so that they could pass their merits in serving Sichuanbian so as to make up for and solve the deficiencies and difficulties that are difficult to find in border talents; At the same time, generous salaries and timely rewards, so that the service personnel who go to the border do their best, effectively solving the talent problem of Sichuanbe operation. "Establish roads" and "set up shop stacks", erect electric wires, set up postal roads, facilitate traffic, and quickly announce announcements. To consolidate the border and promote learning and customs, to win the trust of the people, to eliminate the heavy burden of the people in the riverside - "Ula" labor; In order to stabilize the localities and prepare for the training of patrol police officers of the New Military Office, this chapter provides a specific and in-depth sorting out and analysis of the above six aspects. The third part includes two chapters: Chapter 4 "Analysis of the Late Qing Dynasty Sichuan Side Management" and Chapter 5 "Lessons and Enlightenment of the Late Qing Dynasty Border and Tibetan Management". In the fourth chapter, the author puts the operation of the river side in the overall framework of the southwestern border defense deployment in the late Qing Dynasty, and clarifies the process of change in the understanding of the late Qing government's elevation of the riverside from the Sichuan-Tibet channel to the Tibet aid base. The Qing central government has from time to time shown that it attaches importance to the operation of Sichuan and the issue of Tibet affairs, but it has always attached importance to Tibet affairs, which is very inconsistent with the understanding of Zhao Erfeng, a specific economic frontier person. The differences of opinion between central and local officials on the issue of the importance of Tibet affairs and Sichuanbian affairs, as well as the constant consultation and discussion between them, coupled with the excessive caution and softness of the Qing Central Committee in dealing with Tibet issues, eventually missed the opportunity to strengthen Tibet's effective rule by taking advantage of the power of Sichuanbian and Tibet. The chapter also discusses the effects of Zhao Erfeng's Sichuan border operation, and analyzes that Sichuan border management played a positive role in stabilizing the southwestern border defense from the perspectives of the Qing central government, other local governors and border ministers in the same period, and the British who coveted Tibet. At the same time, the new policies and measures implemented around the "Six Things in Kawanbe" played an important role in promoting great changes in Kawanbe society. Although "only seven years, ... The border that has been sleeping for a thousand years is like a pool of stagnant water, stirring up the boiling and new "6639544. Finally, Zhao Erfeng's various measures such as reforming the land and returning to the river, implementing the New Deal, and the strategy of "taking force as the forerunner" to suppress military subdue, and "envy and power" were compared with Zhang Yintang, Minister of Investigation and Handling of Tibet, who proposed a strategy for reforming Tibet in Tibet. Zhang Yintang was in Tibet for less than a year, and proposed new policy measures that were almost the same as Zhao Erfeng in Sichuan, but he was accepted and welcomed by the Tibetan monks and laity, but Zhao Erfeng's entry into Tibet was vigorously opposed by the Tibetan monks and laymen, and finally blocked out of the core area of Tibet due to impeachment. After careful study, it is not only due to personality, but also related to the way of entry, current events, and different internal and external circumstances. Chapter 5, "Lessons and Enlightenment from the Border Tibet Operation in the Late Qing Dynasty," puts the problems of the redirection of the rivers and rivers in the late Qing Dynasty and the new policies in Tibet together, and provides an in-depth analysis of the reasons why the new policies were vigorously implemented in the border areas for several years and the people died in the instant after the Yuan Revolution. In addition to the three major parts, the preface and epilogue echo the content and views of the research results from beginning to end, so that the entire research results are seamlessly integrated. In the concluding part, the experience of Sichuan-border operations in the late Qing Dynasty is emphasized, and it provides reference significance for how to apply the understanding and experience of "Sichuan-Tibet affairs as one body", "Tibet affairs are border affairs" and "the trend of Sichuan, border, Yunnan and southwestern Tibet" in the late Qing Dynasty to today's long-term construction of Tibet and seek coordinated development and long-term peace and stability in Tibet and Tibetan areas in four provinces. V. Main Views: The international environment and the crisis in the southwestern frontier prompted the late Qing government to take measures to strengthen the governance and rule of Tibet and the southwestern frontier areas. It was planned to establish a province in Tibet, changing only the joint rule of ministers stationed in Tibet and Tibet to direct rule, but at this time it was difficult for the Qing central government to effectively control the development of the situation. In order to effectively stabilize and protect Tibet from being coveted or occupied by foreign enemies such as the British, Chuan Governor and other southwestern border officials considered to eventually achieve Tibet's stability through indirect means such as "Guchuan", "Chuan", and "Gubian". This is precisely the source of our thinking that "stability must first be healthy" today. In this context, that is, in the process of the late Qing government's attempt to conspire against Tibet, the riverside was once only a road into Tibet and a place of restraint for Tusi's rule, and was gradually elevated by the Qing Central Government from a passage between Sichuan and Tibet to an important rear base for aiding, preserving and consolidating Tibet. In order to give better play to its role in aiding, preserving and consolidating Tibet, it not only set up a Sichuan-Yunnan border minister who "uses the system of military government and supervises the responsibility of the localities", but also carries out new policy measures such as reclamation, mining, study, customs, trade, and smooth transportation in Sichuan. Through facilitating transportation, speedy announcements, and promoting learning and changing customs, we will civilize and consolidate the border, win the trust of the people through the difficulties of the Soviet people, and run patrol police to train the new army, so as to seek self-financing interests and self-protection of interests. At the same time, it also connected Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou with Sichuan and Tibet, and planned the stability of the southwestern border defense, especially Tibet, and made extraordinary personnel arrangements and adjustments for this purpose, which played an effective role in consolidating and preserving Tibet, which attracted great attention from foreign countries, especially Britain. This kind of thinking and strategy of "Sichuan, Yunnan and border Tibet uniting into one breath" in the southwest still has certain reference significance for today. Zhao Erfeng River's reform and return to the river, and the implementation of the new policy are a mixture of "new" and "old", which not only has the legacy and continuation of the political culture of feudal royal power, but also contains a considerable amount of the germ of modern political economy and culture. Its specific policies, especially the eclectic recruitment of talents, the abolition of the heavy labor of Ula, which has lasted for thousands of years in the riverside, the opening of new schools, the opening of drug bureaus, the construction of roads and bridges, the opening of ethnic industries, and the introduction of new farming techniques and farming tools, are all practical measures to promote local social and economic development, which is also the most discussed aspect by scholars during the Republic of China period and today. But on the other hand, Zhao Erfeng smoothly entered Sichuan with force as the guide, and after that, he also planned to enter Tibet in the capacity of minister stationed in Tibet and also in charge of border affairs, using the same strategic method of "leading by force" and "enwei and exercising both grace and power" to push the Sichuan side administration to Tibet, but due to the Qing Central Committee's excessive caution and softness in Tibet affairs, due to the disagreement and constraint of personal interests between the ministers of border and Tibetan affairs, Zhao Erfeng's own thinking inertia and vision limitations had to drop out. The late Qing government's passive international negotiations on Tibet affairs had a lot to do with its internal and external difficulties, difficulties in returning, weak national strength, and lack of diplomatic expertise. At the same time, the inertial thinking of the late Qing Central Committee on the local government of Tibet and the changes in local society in Tibet failed to gain a clear insight into the changes in local society in Tibet in a timely manner, which was also the main reason for the lack of prosperity of Tibet's government. Adhering to the old tradition of the ancestral system, the family world and blood ties were divided, and the feudal officials came to an end. The disconnect between the "new face" and the "old foundation" in the "New Deal", the conflict between local interests and national rights and interests, the kinks and conflicts between the measures of "changing the Buddha with summer" and "transforming Buddha with Confucianism" and their various complex contradictions, and the running-in and collision between different ethnic cultures and traditions are all entangled in the operation of border Tibet, and finally because they have not touched the bottom of society and lack the foundation of social support, people will die in government. The clear combing of the history of the Sichuan border business in the late Qing Dynasty, the differences between the central government and local border officials in specific administration, the process of mutual interaction, the internal and external contradictions and constraints in planning border and Tibet affairs, and the comprehensive display of many historical facts have strong reference significance for today's long-term strategy for building Tibet and the goal of coordinated development of Tibet and Tibetan areas in the four provinces. The citation notes specifically explain the editorial group of the Sichuan Provincial Institute of Nationalities' "Historical Materials of the Archives of Sichuan-Yunnan Border Affairs in the Late Qing Dynasty": "Historical Materials of the Archives of the Border Affairs of the Late Qing Dynasty of the Sichuan and Yunnan" (first, middle, and bottom), the 1989 edition of the Zhonghua Book Company, referred to as "Historical Materials of the Archives of the Border Affairs of the Late Qing Dynasty and the Yunnan Border Affairs" in the citation notes. China Tibetology Research Center, China's First Historical Archives, China's Second Historical Archives, Tibet Autonomous Region Archives, and Sichuan Provincial Archives, co-editor: "A Collection of Historical Materials on the Relationship between Tibet and the Central Government since the Yuan Dynasty" (Volumes 1-7), China Tibetology Publishing House, 1994 edition, abbreviated as "Compilation of Historical Materials on Relations" in the citation notes. Raba Phuntsok et al., eds., Tibet-based Chinese Literature Engraving, edited by Wu Fengpei, proofread by Zhao Shenying: "Qing Dynasty Tibetan Affairs Sonata" (Part I, Part II), China Tibetology Publishing House, 1994 edition. Abbreviated as Wu Fengpei's "Qing Dynasty Tibetan Affairs Sonata". [Macao] Luo Huimin, ed.: "The Inside Story of the Political Situation in the Late Qing Dynasty and the Early People's Period: A Collection of Letters of Joe Er Mori, Beijing correspondent of The Times and political adviser to Yuan Shikai", first (1895-1912) and second (1912-1920), translated by Liu Guiliang and others, Knowledge Publishing House, 1986; Abbreviated as "Inside the Political Situation of the Late Qing Dynasty and Early People's Period", 1895-1912 or 1912-1920.（AI翻译）