本书是在我的博士学位论文基础上形成的。事实上，在工作一段时间以后，我对家庭代际关系这个议题有了更深的思考，也意识到博士学位论文的研究还有不少需要提高的地方，但考虑到博士学位论文是学生生涯的最后记录，所以这里只是按照编辑要求进行了格式等方面的修改，试图保证原汁原味。通常，作为学术作品需要请一些知名专家学者来帮忙写个序，表示肯定和推介。小的时候经常听歌，看到作词、作曲、演唱都是同一个人，感到非常佩服，这是我的第一本学术著作，所以也不想假借他人之手给自己认定，整本书的文字工作就由我自己包办吧。这本书送给我的母亲，感恩在城乡转换、得失不论的变幻社会中让我感受到的亲密的家庭代际关系，希望今后我能写出更多的著作送给我其他的家人。是为前言中的自序。

中国正处于社会转型期，家庭作为社会最基本的组织和细胞，一直在承受社会转型的冲击。其中，最明显的就是家庭养老功能在一定程度上的弱化，尤其是在城市地区，社会保障体系的建立和完善，使大多数城市老人在退休之后能够获得退休金，减少了对家庭养老的依赖。无论是社会变革对家庭的外部压力还是家庭自身结构的变化，都对中国的家庭代际关系产生了影响。不同于社会变革浩浩荡荡、横扫一切的趋势，中国的家庭代际关系变革较慢，体现出社会学所谓的“文化堕距”和“迟滞效应”。不同于西方家庭已经进入现代化阶段，中国家庭代际关系变化的一个鲜明特征是处在家庭现代化和传统化的对峙中。针对既有研究中的矛盾和不足，本书旨在以中国健康与养老追踪调查（China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Survey，CHARLS）这种大样本的抽样调查数据分析为基础，采用更多样的定量统计方法，对家庭代际关系的现状、变迁、各维度之间的互动、类型以及影响因素等进行更为整体性且相对全面、综合的研究。本书的研究对象虽然是三代家庭的代际关系，但实质是想拓宽人口学研究的理论视野，丰富人口学在家庭代际关系方面的研究方法。围绕以上研究旨趣，本书拟实现以下研究目标。

第一，全面反映当前三代家庭代际关系的面貌。家庭代际关系主要侧重考察经济支持、生活照料支持和情感支持三个指标。通过实证数据来回答，在三代家庭中代际关系是怎样的？是否如很多学者宣称的存在“眼泪往下流”的代际倾斜？

第二，通过面板数据来考察三代家庭代际关系的变动情况。利用CHARLS考察2011—2015年的家庭代际关系变动情况，使用口述史的方法考察更长时段的变化。

第三，三代家庭的代际关系既有父子孙三代的关系，又有操作化经济、劳务、情感三个指标。这些关系会比较复杂，出现互相影响或者互相挤压的效应。结构方程模型的最大特征就是能将多个外显变量处理为一个潜在变量，并且在处理多变量的关系中具有很好的优势，本书尝试将其引入家庭代际关系研究。从关系图表中探寻这种错综复杂的关系，可能更容易清晰地看到三代家庭代际关系内部互动状况。

第四，本书将潜类别分析引入家庭关系研究，潜类别分析是进行类型分析非常好用的工具。根据实证数据，研究中国的家庭代际关系到底可以分为几个类别，什么因素影响家庭代际关系的类型。

第五，本书站在总体史观的视角，考察制度、家庭、个人等不同层面的因素对三代家庭代际关系的影响。学者们在探讨成年子女和父母家庭代际关系影响因素时主要从父母的角度出发，本书则主要从三代中夹心层的子代的角度出发。

为了实现上述研究目标，本书构建了体现父子孙三代家庭、家庭代际关系的三个维度、理论衍生出的三个研究方面以及从制度、家庭、个人出发的影响因素的综合分析框架，并在研究过程中利用CHARLS数据和口述史以及案例资料，运用描述性统计、结构方程模型、潜类别分析、二元logistic回归、mlogit回归等方法，对三代家庭代际关系的诸多方面进行分析。研究发现：

在三代家庭代际关系的现状方面。站在中间一代子代的视角，在经济支持和劳务支持方面，的确存在代际关系的倾斜，也就是说，子代可能给予孙代的经济支持和劳务支持要多于给予父代的。但是需要注意的是，在经济支持方面，子代普遍给父代经济支持，占比约为77%，但是子代给予孙代经济支持的并不普遍，占比为36%，所以很难单纯地说“眼泪往下流”“代际的失衡”。这既要看经济支持金额，也要看经济支持比例。在情感交流方面，数据显示，实际上，子代和父代之间的联系要更加频繁一些，见面的频次上应该是向父代倾斜。但是子代和孙代之间通过电话、短信、信件和电子邮件联系这种身体缺席交往的频率很高，至少每月联络一次的占比达到88%。以上表明，当我们谈到家庭代际关系时，往往很笼统地说向上流还是向下流。实际上，家庭代际关系是一个具有多维度的概念，要注意其内部的差异性。

在家庭代际关系的变化方面。本书首先用CHARLS 2011—2015年的数据看三代家庭代际关系在短时段的变化情况。5年或许的确是时间较短，但社会变化日新月异，也能反映一些问题。从家庭代际关系的三个维度来看，虽然2011年和2015年经济支持均值不同，但方向是一致的，都是呈现往年青一代倾斜的状况。在情感方面，子代看望父代或子代见孙代的占比类似，至少每月一次的占比变动不大，但是通过电话、短信、信件和电子邮件联系这种身体缺席交往的频率，2015年比2011年要显著增多，这反映了科学技术发展尤其是新的通信手段出现对家庭代际关系的影响。在劳务支持方面，劳务支持流动的方向没有变化，子代给予父代劳务支持或者子代给予孙代劳务支持的时间都有所增长，说明子代的压力更大。通过口述史刘某和顾某某的案例说明了家庭代际关系长时段的变化。刘某经历了一个纵跨时长达60年的生命历程，其间经历了人民公社化、“文化大革命”、家庭联产承包责任制等重大历史变动，这对她的家庭代际关系产生影响。但同时，在孙代时候的刘某和现在刘某的孙代相比，家庭代际关系可能会有极大的反差。在孙代时，刘某是作为家庭的劳动力帮助照顾弟弟妹妹，在劳务支持方面，代际流动是向上的，向子代流动，而现在刘某的孙子则是作为被照顾者角色出现，从劳务支持来说是向孙代流动。而刘某和顾某某作为不同队列、不同出生地区的个人，她们的家庭代际关系也有着巨大的差异。这里对家庭代际关系的生命周期进行一个总结，家庭代际关系依据人的寿命是有周期性的，但是家庭代际关系生命周期的内涵却因时代变化而变化。

在三代家庭代际关系的内部关系方面。结构方程模型的结果表明，子代和孙代见面显著正向影响子代和孙代联络，这可能因为见面越多越亲，则联络也越多；子代照顾孙子显著正向影响子代照顾老人，可能因为照顾孙子和老人都是子代的责任，不可偏废；照顾亲生父母显著正向影响照顾岳父母或公婆，原因可能是子代愿意照顾自己的亲生父母，同样也愿意照顾配偶父母；子代给予父代经济支持显著正向影响孙代给予子代经济支持，这一方面体现了日常俗语所说的“上行下效”和“家长模范作用”，也体现了在三代家庭内部的一种家庭代际关系的再生产。中国家庭代际关系在两代或三代之间，在情感交流、经济往来、劳务支持维度的互动更多地呈现的是一种正向影响的互动，这有别于西方学者提出家庭是基于理性和计算的“合作社模型”，而体现出中国传统文化中所强调的“孝道”或“家风和合”。这从一定程度上体现了中国虽然正处在现代化转型，但在家庭代际关系方面仍然体现出传统性，这就是奥格本（Ogburn）所谓的转型时期的“文化滞后”。这种“家风和合”为什么具有如此强的生命力？关键在于中国家庭不仅承担着人口再生产的功能，还具有很好的家庭代际关系再生产的功能。

在三代家庭代际关系类型划分方面。根据潜类别分析，三代家庭代际关系分为疏离重视父代型、亲密重视孙代型、疏离忽视孙代型、三代亲密型。第四类三代亲密型是最多的，占比达到35%，这也验证了中国孝道“亲亲和合”仍是占主流的。但是出乎意料的是，疏离忽视孙代型竟然占比31%，这和学者们所谓的“眼泪往下流”“代际倾斜”不相符，可以从年龄的角度来解释。疏离重视父代型占比23%，体现了中国传统文化中“家庭养老”的习俗，即便整体上关系再疏离，但还是要经常看望父母、给父母金钱、照顾父母，这是一种植根于血液的道德约束，很难改变。亲密重视孙代型占比11%，占比不多，反映一些家庭重视孙代的情况。在三代家庭代际关系潜类别的影响因素方面，从性别上看，女性更容易成为疏离忽视孙代型；年龄上看，年龄越大，越不可能成为疏离重视父代型、疏离忽视孙代型；户口来看，非农户口成为疏离重视父代型、疏离忽视孙代型的可能性更高；教育水平来看，大专以上成为亲密重视孙代型的可能性低，随着学历增高，成为疏离重视父代型的可能性高；自评健康来看，自评健康一般的成为亲密重视孙代型的可能性低，好的成为疏离重视父代型的可能性越高；自评生活水平来看，自评生活水平为好的成为疏离忽视孙代型的可能性低，一般的成为亲密重视孙代型的可能性低，生活水平越高，越不易成为疏离忽视孙代型。整体来看，从制度、家庭、个人三个角度出发，户口、性别、年龄、受教育水平、自评健康、自评生活水平等变量，都对三代家庭代际关系潜在类别有着不同程度的影响。这反映出三代家庭代际关系的潜在类型是宏观、中观、微观多元型塑的结果。

在家庭代际关系的影响因素方面。户籍制度上，情感交流、经济往来、劳务支持方面都体现了户籍差异。而这种户籍差异更多地体现在子代和孙代之间。整体来看，子代和孙代间的情感交流、经济往来、劳务支持，非农户籍都显著低于农业户籍。家庭状况上，自评生活水平一般的相比自评生活水平为差的，在与孙代见面方面的可能性要高。在经济往来方面，体现为相对于自评生活水平为差的子代，自评生活水平为一般和高的子代对父代的经济支持、孙代对父代的经济支持，可能性较高。在子代对孙代经济支持方面，自评生活水平为好的相对于自评生活水平为差的，经济支持的可能性要高。性别差异上，情感交流方面，子代与孙代联络，女性要弱于男性；在经济往来方面，子代对孙代的经济支持，女性要弱于男性；在劳务支持方面，子代对孙代的劳务支持，女性要强于男性。年龄差异上，子代看望父代、子代与孙代见面、子代与孙代联络，50岁及以上组皆显著地高于50岁以下组。在经济往来方面，父代和子代间的经济往来不显著，但是子代和孙代间的经济往来显著，表现为50岁及以上组显著高于50岁以下组。在劳务支持方面，子代对孙代的劳务支持和子代对父代的劳务支持显著，也表现为50岁及以上组显著高于50岁以下组。整体来看，随着子代年龄越大，三代家庭的代际关系越紧密。受教育水平上，在情感交流方面，初中学历和大专及以上学历在子代看望父代方面要弱于小学及以下受教育水平的；子代与孙代见面方面，初中学历、高中学历、大专及以上学历均弱于小学及以下；子代与孙代联络方面，相对于小学及以下，初中学历、高中学历、大专及以上学历呈现逐渐降低的趋势。这体现了随着学历增高，父子孙三代的情感交流变弱。在经济往来方面，在父代对子代的经济支持方面，初中学历、高中学历、大专及以上学历比小学及以下的经济支持要好；在子代对父代的经济支持方面，高中学历、大专及以上学历比小学及以下的经济支持要好，所以在子代和父代间的经济往来，呈现出随着学历增高而经济支持增强的趋势。子代和孙代的经济往来则呈现出随着学历增高而经济支持减弱的趋势。自评健康上，回归分析的结果显示，在情感交流方面，子代看望父代不显著；在子代与孙代见面、子代与孙代联络方面，自评健康好的子代相比自评健康差的子代在子代与孙代见面、子代与孙代联络方面的可能性更小。在经济往来方面，父代对子代经济支持不显著，而子代对父代的经济支持，自评健康一般的子代比自评健康差的子代更可能给父代经济支持。在孙代和子代的经济往来中，则体现出自评健康好的子代比自评健康差的子代和孙代间经济往来的可能性更小。劳务支持方面不显著。这也说明自评健康至少影响情感交流和经济支持，回归结果也反映了现实当中的情况。如果子代身体健康好，则子女不牵挂，相应联络可能会比身体健康差的子代要少。同理，在经济往来方面，子代身体一般，可以工作，肯定比身体差的要给父代经济支持的可能性高，而子代、孙代间，身体好则不需要看病住院花钱，所以经济往来也会变小。整体来看，六个指标分别从制度、家庭、个人维度出发，探讨影响家庭代际关系的状况。整体来看，六个指标都对家庭代际关系的各个层面有着或多或少的影响，这反映了家庭代际关系受到社会各层面多维度的型塑。父代和子代的关系受影响较少，子代和孙代受影响较大，这说明在父代和子代间仍处于前家庭现代化阶段，既不是家庭代际关系西方化，也不是阎云翔所谓的“无公德的个人”，而子代和孙代间的家庭代际关系目前来看不够稳定，呈现多样化和不确定性，处于家庭现代化和传统孝道交锋之中。但“家风和合”关系能明显体现，这可能验证了阎云翔所说的“新家庭主义”的兴起。

本书的创新之处在于：首先，构建了真实的三代家庭结构，深化了对转型中国背景下家庭代际关系的认识。三代家庭相较于两代家庭代际关系较为复杂，可以更为深刻地反映代际关系的本质。三代家庭无论在年龄跨度还是在所经历的生命历程的跨度上都比较大，现代和传统碰撞的因素可能更丰富。其次，定量和定性混合的长时段与短时段研究家庭代际关系变化，鉴于数据并不能支持家庭代际长时段变化的研究，本书引入口述史的方法加以拓展。定量和定性结合的混合研究，便于互相佐证，深化研究。最后，丰富和拓展了现有家庭代际关系研究的理论和方法。本书在家庭生命周期的基础上提出家庭代际关系生命周期并应用于研究，通过实证结果提出家庭代际关系再生产，并指出这是中国传统家庭代际关系得以延续的重要因素。此外，还通过身体缺席交往频率变化考察了科技对家庭代际关系的影响。局限和不足在于：本书由于要构建三代家庭，数据样本量较少，在很多维度上无法充分展示家庭代际关系的丰富性。同时，本书在家庭代际关系互动和影响机制方面探讨不够深入。另外，样本的选择性导致研究结果存在局限性。

最后是研究展望。

This book was formed on the basis of my doctoral dissertation. In fact, after working for a while, I have thought more deeply about the issue of family intergenerational relations, and I realize that there are still many things that need to be improved in the research of doctoral dissertations, but considering that the doctoral dissertation is the last record of a student's career, I only modified the format and other aspects according to the editor's requirements to try to ensure the originality. Usually, as an academic work, it is necessary to invite some well-known experts and scholars to help write a preface to express affirmation and recommendation. When I was a child, I often listened to songs, and I was very impressed when I saw that lyrics, composition, and singing were all the same person, this is my first academic work, so I don't want to identify myself under the guise of others' hands, and I will do the text work of the whole book by myself. This book was given to my mother, grateful for the close family intergenerational relationship that I felt in the changing society of urban and rural areas, regardless of gains and losses, and hoped that I could write more books to give to my other family members in the future. is the self-order in the preface. China is in a period of social transformation, and the family, as the most basic organization and cell of society, has been bearing the brunt of social transformation. Among them, the most obvious is the weakening of the family pension function to a certain extent, especially in urban areas, the establishment and improvement of the social security system, so that most urban elderly people can obtain retirement after retirement, reducing the dependence on family pension. Whether it is the external pressure of social change on the family or the change in the structure of the family itself, it has had an impact on the intergenerational relationship of the family in China. Unlike the sweeping trend of social change, China's family intergenerational relations are slower to change, reflecting what sociology calls "cultural degeneration" and "retardation effect". Unlike Western families, which have entered the stage of modernization, a distinctive feature of the changes in intergenerational relations in Chinese families is that they are in the confrontation between family modernization and traditionalization. In view of the contradictions and shortcomings in the existing research, this book aims to use more comprehensive and comprehensive research on the status quo, changes, interactions, types and influencing factors of family intergenerational relations based on the data analysis of a large sample of the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Survey (CHARLS), and using more diverse quantitative statistical methods. Although the research object of this book is the intergenerational relationship of three generations of families, the essence is to broaden the theoretical horizon of demography research and enrich the research methods of demography in family intergenerational relations. Based on the above research objectives, this book intends to achieve the following research objectives. First, it comprehensively reflects the face of the intergenerational relationship between the current three generations of families. Family intergenerational relations mainly focus on three indicators: financial support, life care support and emotional support. To answer the question through empirical data, what is the intergenerational relationship like in a three-generation family? Is there a generational tilt of "tears flowing down", as many scholars claim? Second, the panel data is used to examine the changes in the intergenerational relationship of the three generations of families. CHARLS was used to examine changes in family intergenerational relationships from 2011 to 2015, and oral history was used to examine changes over a longer period of time. Third, the intergenerational relationship of the three-generation family has not only the relationship between father and son and grandchildren, but also the three indicators of operational economy, labor and emotion. These relationships will be more complex, and there will be mutual influence or mutual squeeze effects. The biggest feature of the structural equation model is that it can treat multiple explicit variables as a latent variable, and it has a good advantage in dealing with multivariate relationships, and this book tries to introduce it into the study of family intergenerational relations. Exploring this intricate relationship from the relationship diagram may make it easier to clearly see the internal interactions of the intergenerational relationship of the three generations of families. Fourth, this book introduces latent category analysis into the study of family relationships, and latent category analysis is a very useful tool for type analysis. According to empirical data, the study of family intergenerational relations in China can be divided into several categories, and what factors affect the type of family intergenerational relations. Fifth, from the perspective of an overall historical view, this book examines the impact of different factors such as institutions, families, and individuals on the intergenerational relations of three generations of families. While scholars mainly discuss the factors influencing the intergenerational relationship between adult children and parents, this book mainly starts from the perspective of the children of the sandwich layer in the three generations. In order to achieve the above research goals, this book constructs a comprehensive analysis framework that reflects the three dimensions of the three-generation family and intergenerational relationship of the father, son, and grandchildren, the three research aspects derived from the theory, and the influencing factors starting from the system, family and individual, and uses CHARLS data and oral history and case data in the research process, using descriptive statistics, structural equation models, latent category analysis, binary logistic regression, mlogit regression and other methods. Analysis of many aspects of intergenerational relationships in three generations of families. The study found: in terms of the current situation of intergenerational relationships in three generations of families. From the perspective of the middle generation of children, there is indeed a tilt in the intergenerational relationship in terms of economic support and labor support, that is, the children may give more economic support and labor support to the grandchildren than to the parents. However, it should be noted that in terms of economic support, children generally give economic support to their parents, accounting for about 77%, but the economic support given by children to grandchildren is not common, accounting for 36%, so it is difficult to simply say "tears flowing down" and "intergenerational imbalance". This depends on both the amount of economic support and the proportion of economic support. In terms of emotional communication, the data shows that in fact, the contact between children and parents is more frequent, and the frequency of meeting should be tilted towards the parents. However, the frequency of physical absent contact between children and grandchildren through telephone, text message, letter and email is high, reaching 88% of them at least once a month. The above shows that when we talk about family intergenerational relationships, we tend to speak very generally about upward or downward flow. In fact, family intergenerational relations are a multidimensional concept, pay attention to its internal differences. In terms of changes in intergenerational relationships in the family. This book first uses CHARLS data from 2011 to 2015 to see how the intergenerational relationship between three generations of families changes in a short period of time. Five years may indeed be a short time, but the rapid changes in society can also reflect some problems. From the perspective of the three dimensions of family intergenerational relations, although the average economic support in 2011 and 2015 is different, the direction is the same, and both show the tilt of the previous young generation. In terms of emotions, the proportion of children visiting their parents or children seeing their grandchildren is similar, at least once a month, but the frequency of physical absent communication through telephone, text message, letter and e-mail contact increased significantly in 2015 compared with 2011, reflecting the impact of scientific and technological developments, especially the emergence of new means of communication, on intergenerational family relations. In terms of labor support, the direction of labor support flow has not changed, and the time for children to give labor support to their parents or children to their grandchildren has increased, indicating that the pressure on children is greater. Through oral history, the cases of Liu and Gu illustrate the changes in family intergenerational relationships over a long period of time. Liu has experienced a life course spanning 60 years, during which she has experienced major historical changes such as people's communalization, the "Cultural Revolution", and the family joint production contract responsibility system, which have had an impact on her family's intergenerational relations. But at the same time, compared with the grandchildren of Liu in the grandchildren and the grandchildren of Liu now, the intergenerational relationship of the family may have a great contrast. In the grandchildren, Liu was used as the labor force of the family to help take care of younger siblings, and in terms of labor support, intergenerational mobility was upward and flowed to the children, and now Liu's grandson appears as a caregiver, from labor support to the grandchildren. As individuals in different cohorts and birth regions, Liu and Gu have huge differences in their family intergenerational relationships. Here is a summary of the life cycle of family intergenerational relations, family intergenerational relationships are cyclical according to human lifespan, but the connotation of the life cycle of family intergenerational relationships changes with the times. In terms of the internal relations of intergenerational relations in three generations of families. The results of the structural equation model show that the meeting of offspring and grandchildren significantly positively affects the contact between offspring and grandchildren, which may be because the more they meet, the more they connect. The care of grandchildren by children significantly positively affects the care of the elderly by children, possibly because taking care of grandchildren and the elderly is the responsibility of children and should not be abandoned; Caring for biological parents significantly positively affects the care of parents-in-law or in-laws, possibly because the offspring are willing to take care of their biological parents as well as their spouse's parents; The economic support given by children to parents significantly positively affects the economic support given by grandchildren to children, which reflects the "upward and downward effect" and "exemplary role of parents" as the daily saying goes, and also reflects the reproduction of a family intergenerational relationship within the three-generation family. The intergenerational relationship of Chinese families between two or three generations, the interaction in the dimensions of emotional exchange, economic exchange, and labor support presents more of a positive impact interaction, which is different from the "cooperative model" proposed by Western scholars that the family is based on rationality and calculation, and reflects the "filial piety" or "harmony of family style" emphasized in traditional Chinese culture. To some extent, this reflects that although China is in the midst of modernization, it still reflects tradition in family intergenerational relations, which is what Ogburn calls the "cultural lag" of the transition period. Why does this "family style harmony" have such strong vitality? The key is that Chinese families not only undertake the function of population reproduction, but also have a good function of reproduction of family intergenerational relations. In terms of the division of intergenerational relationship types in three-generation families. According to the analysis of latent categories, the intergenerational relationship of the three-generation family is divided into alienation and emphasis on the paternal type, intimate emphasis on grandchildren, alienation and neglect of grandchildren, and three-generation intimacy. The fourth type of three-generation intimacy is the most, accounting for 35%, which also verifies that China's filial piety "affinity and harmony" is still the mainstream. But unexpectedly, alienation and neglect of grandchildren accounted for 31%, which is inconsistent with the so-called "tears flowing down" and "intergenerational tilt" of scholars, which can be explained from the perspective of age. Alienation attaches importance to the paternal type accounted for 23%, reflecting the custom of "family pension" in traditional Chinese culture, even if the overall relationship is estranged, but still have to visit parents frequently, give parents money, take care of parents, which is a moral constraint rooted in blood and difficult to change. Intimate emphasis on grandchildren accounted for 11%, which is not much, reflecting the importance that some families attach to grandchildren. In terms of the influencing factors of the latent category of intergenerational relationships in three-generation families, from the perspective of gender, women are more likely to become alienated and neglectful grandchildren; In terms of age, the older you are, the less likely you are to become an alienated parent type and an alienated neglect grandchild type; From the perspective of hukou, non-agricultural hukou is more likely to become alienated and pay attention to the parent type, and alienate and ignore the grandchild type; In terms of education level, the possibility of college or above becoming an intimate grandchild type is low, and as the education level increases, the possibility of becoming an alienated and valued parent type is high; From the perspective of self-rated health, the probability of self-rated health generally becoming an intimate and valued grandchild type is low, and the higher the probability of a good health becoming an alienated and valued parent type; From the perspective of self-assessment of living standards, self-assessment of good living standards is less likely to become alienated and neglectful grandchildren, generally low probability of becoming intimate attention to grandchildren, and the higher the standard of living, the less likely it is to become alienated and neglectful grandchildren. On the whole, from the perspectives of system, family and individual, variables such as hukou, gender, age, education level, self-assessment of health, and self-assessment of living standards all have different degrees of influence on the potential categories of intergenerational relationships of three-generation families. This reflects that the underlying type of intergenerational relationship between three generations of families is the result of macro, meso and micro pluralism. In terms of factors influencing family intergenerational relations. In the household registration system, differences in household registration are reflected in emotional communication, economic exchanges, and labor support. And this difference in household registration is more reflected in the children and grandchildren. On the whole, the emotional communication, economic exchanges, and labor support between offspring and grandchildren are significantly lower than the agricultural household registration. In terms of family status, those who self-rated their standard of living are more likely to meet their grandchildren than those who self-rated their living standards are poor. In terms of economic transactions, it is reflected in the fact that compared with children with poor self-rated living standards, the self-rated living standards are more likely to have average and high economic support for their parents and grandchildren's economic support for their parents. In terms of financial support for children to grandchildren, self-rated living standards are more likely to be supported than those who self-rated as poor. Gender differences, emotional communication, offspring and grandchildren contact, women are weaker than men; In terms of economic relations, the economic support of children to grandchildren is weaker for women than for men; In terms of labor support, women are stronger than men in providing labor support to grandchildren. In terms of age differences, children visiting their parents, children meeting with grandchildren, and children contacting grandchildren were significantly higher in the group aged 50 and above than those under 50. In terms of economic exchanges, the economic exchanges between parents and children were not significant, but the economic exchanges between children and grandchildren were significant, which showed that the group aged 50 and above was significantly higher than the group under 50 years old. In terms of labor support, the labor support of children to grandchildren and children to parents was significant, which was also manifested in the group of 50 years old and above being significantly higher than that of the group under 50 years old. Overall, as the offspring get older, the intergenerational relationship between the three generations of families becomes. In terms of education level, in terms of emotional communication, junior high school education and college degree or above are weaker than primary school and below education level in terms of children visiting their parents; In terms of meeting children and grandchildren, junior high school education, high school education, college degree and above are weaker than primary school and below; In terms of contact between children and grandchildren, compared with primary school and below, junior high school education, high school education, college degree and above show a gradual trend of decline. This reflects that with the increase of education, the emotional communication of three generations of fathers, children and grandchildren becomes weaker. In terms of economic exchanges, in terms of the financial support of parents to children, junior high school education, high school education, college degree and above are better than the economic support of primary school and below; In terms of the economic support of children to their parents, high school education, college degree or above is better than the economic support of primary school and below, so the economic exchanges between children and parents show a trend of increasing economic support with the increase of academic qualifications. The economic relations between children and grandchildren show a trend of weakening economic support with the increase of educational qualifications. In terms of self-rated health, the results of regression analysis showed that in terms of emotional communication, children visiting their parents was not significant; In terms of meeting children with grandchildren and contacting grandchildren, children who self-rated themselves as healthy are less likely to meet with grandchildren and contact children with grandchildren than children who self-rated poor health. In terms of economic transactions, the financial support of parents to children is not significant, while the economic support of children to parents is more likely to give financial support to parents than children with poor self-assessment of health. In the economic exchanges between grandchildren and offspring, it is reflected that children who self-judge themselves to be in good health are less likely to have economic exchanges between children and grandchildren who self-evaluate themselves as being in poor health. Labor support is not significant. This also shows that self-rated health at least affects emotional communication and financial support, and that the return results also reflect the reality of the situation. If the offspring are in good health, the child is not concerned, and the corresponding contact may be less than that of the child who is in poor health. In the same way, in terms of economic exchanges, the children are in average health and can work, and they are definitely more likely to give their parents economic support than those who are in poor health, while children and grandchildren, who are in good health, do not need to spend money on medical treatment and hospitalization, so economic exchanges will also become smaller. On the whole, the six indicators discuss the situation affecting the intergenerational relationship of families from the dimensions of system, family and individual. On the whole, all six indicators have a greater or lesser impact on all levels of family intergenerational relations, which reflects that family intergenerational relations are shaped by multiple dimensions at all levels of society. The relationship between parents and children is less affected, and the children and grandchildren are more affected, which shows that the father and child generation are still in the stage of pre-family modernization, neither the Westernization of family intergenerational relations, nor the "individuals without public morality" as Yan Yunxiang calls it, and the family intergenerational relationship between children and grandchildren is currently unstable, diversified and uncertain, and in the confrontation between family modernization and traditional filial piety. However, the relationship between "family style and harmony" can be clearly reflected, which may verify the rise of what Yan Yunxiang calls "new familyism". The innovation of this book is that, firstly, it constructs a real three-generation family structure and deepens the understanding of family intergenerational relationships in the context of transforming China. Compared with the intergenerational relationship of two-generation families, the intergenerational relationship of the three-generation family can reflect the essence of the intergenerational relationship more profoundly. The three-generation family is relatively large in terms of age span and the span of life experienced, and the factors of modern and traditional collision may be richer. Secondly, quantitative and qualitative long-term and short-term studies of family intergenerational changes, and since the data do not support the study of long-term changes in family generations, this book expands the method of oral history. Mixed research combining quantitative and qualitative research makes it easy to corroborate each other and deepen research. Finally, the existing theories and methods of family intergenerational relationship research are enriched and expanded. Based on the family life cycle, this book proposes the life cycle of family intergenerational relationship and applies it to research, and proposes the reproduction of family intergenerational relationship through empirical results, and points out that this is an important factor for the continuation of traditional Chinese family intergenerational relations. In addition, the impact of technology on intergenerational family relationships was examined through changes in the frequency of physical absent interactions. The limitations and shortcomings are: due to the construction of a three-generation family, this book has a small data sample size, and cannot fully show the richness of family intergenerational relationships in many dimensions. At the same time, this book does not explore the interaction and influence mechanism of intergenerational relationships in the family in depth. In addition, the selectivity of the sample led to limitations in the study results. Finally, there is the research outlook.（AI翻译）